Changing expectations: the impact of ‘child protection’ on Irish social work

In this paper, the author (who has worked as a social worker in both Ireland and the UK) contends that there has been an uncritical importation of expectations and responsibilities from the British system into Irish state social work. In the area of child and family social work this has been most marked by the introduction and construction of ‘child protection’ as the dominant discourse. Yet fundamental differences exist between Irish and British social policy, differences that are reflected in the structure, nature and culture of social work services. Some of the historical differences between the two welfare systems are explored and three core features of modern Irish social work with children and families are identified. Possibilities for recreating Irish social work in discourse and in practice are suggested, particularly around the notions of certainty/uncertainty and the potential for linguistically based frameworks for practice.     

民主政治:和谐社会的政治基础

从理论或实践上看,民主政治是和谐社会的政治基础。民主政治就是用和谐的方式控制、解决社会矛盾和冲突的制度体系。承认人的主体地位、多元利益和高度的社会流动是民主政治与和谐社会共同的根基。实现利益表达的规范化和制度化是夯实和谐社会政治基础的关键。利益表达的规范化和制度化建设具有完善公共政策、消解社会矛盾、强化政治认同等重大意义。完善人民代表大会制是夯实和谐社会政治基础的根本之策。人民代表大会制度既是社会主义民主政治进一步发展的基本制度资源,也是直接承载法治发展的制度体系。     

Transactional links between adolescents’ and friends’ victimization during the first two years of secondary school: The mediating role of likeability and friendship involvement

The goals of this study were to examine to what extent lower likeability at the group level and lower friendship involvement can explain the bidirectional links between adolescents’ own and their friends’ victimization over time. We tested these processes by applying a cross‐lagged path model to a sample of 621 adolescents. Data were collected at four time points over the two first years of secondary school. Participants were asked to identify same grade friends within their school; classroom peer nominations were used to assess participants’ likeability as well as participants’ and friends’ level of peer victimization. Results showed bidirectional associations between adolescents’ own and their friends’ victimization by peers within the first year of secondary school. Moreover, the relation between adolescents’ own victimization at the end of the first year and their friends’ victimization next year was mediated by decreased adolescents’ likeability at the group level. Inversely, their friends’ victimization at the end of the first year predicted lower levels of adolescents’ own likeability over time, which in turn predicted adolescents’ own subsequent levels of victimization. Friends’ victimization also predicted adolescents’ lower friendship involvement during the first year, which in turn predicted decreased likeability, and ultimately higher levels of victimization.     

Immigrants’ support for social spending,self‐interest and the role of the group: A comparative study of immigrants in The Netherlands

This study examined immigrants’ support for social spending. We tested the dominant self‐interest hypothesis for a number of immigrant groups in the Netherlands with highly varying socio‐economic positions. We additionally examined the effect of immigrants’ group interest by testing the relevance of in‐group immigrant benefit participation rates and their effect on support for social spending. In this article, we discuss how immigrants’ sense of belonging to a group affects the association between immigrants’ self‐ and group interests in welfare and their support for social spending. We found that self‐interest has explanatory relevance, but that this is strongly correlated with level of income. Results showed weak support for the effect of group interest. Instead of the expected moderation effects of sense of belonging on the self‐ and group‐interest explanations of support for social spending, the results showed a direct effect of sense of belonging on support for social spending.     

The return of the political in social work

This article is a follow-up to our article 'Revisiting social work as art' and in part a response to Karen Healy's reply [both published in IJSW 17(2)]. It is, however, also a significant extension of this material since it engages with more general concerns about the critical project that is intrinsic to social work. Social work is not just about self-foundation based on knowledge, values and skills formation, but also about self-assertion. Crucially, it is through this notion of self-assertion that social work can be best understood as an agent of change. This transformative aspect of social work is our central focus. We are not concerned with structural conditions of power and domination but with theorising what a transformative politics would look like for social work using the lens of the French political philosopher Alain Badiou as a conceptual medium for permitting the return of the political for social work.     

政治哲学的社会功能

政治哲学形成于对人类政治生活核心问题──人民根本利益的认识及相应政治形式的形而上探索。人民根本利益即人民──特定政治社会的社会基本成员──所需要的政治,最初形态为现实生活中没有而人民又迫切需要的形而上存在。使人民所需要的政治成为现实中的政治,涉及人类多种形式的探索与实践,政治哲学只是其中之一。政治哲学的社会功能是发现、论证时代所需要的政治规范与政治价值。政治规范将现实中没有而又“应有”的政治关系确定为政治生活中的基本规则,为政治社会奠定基础。政治价值以具有特定社会文化内涵的“人”及其本质特征为核心,为政治生活确定目标与标准,使政治规范获得正义与道义。政治哲学承担着性质一致但内容不同的使命──在不同的政治社会,人民所需要的政治的性质、实现程度不同,需要政治哲学解决的问题也不同。当代中国政治赋予中国政治哲学的使命是解决政治价值问题,即提出、论证体现中国人民根本利益的政治价值。     

政党政治视角下的政党与国家权力--兼及中国共产党领导的多党合作制度

政党政治具有重要的功能意义和价值意义.政党政治的核心问题是政党与国家权力的问题.沿着这一脉络,资本主义政党政治和社会主义政党政治呈现出截然不同的发展轨迹.中国共产党领导的多党合作制度是新型的适应我国国情的政党制度,它建构了我国政党与国家权力的基本法理关系,保障了全体人民的利益,具有鲜明的特点和巨大的优势.     

Conceptualising the politics of social protection expansion in low income countries: The intersection of transnational ideas and domestic politics

The growing literature on social protection in low income developing countries has tended to focus on definitional debates, policy design and impact evaluations, with relatively little consideration of the ways in which politics shape policy. This article argues that politics needs to be at the centre of efforts to understand social protection and outlines a new conceptual framework for investigating this, with a particular focus on explaining the variation in progress made by low income countries in adopting and implementing social protection. We propose that an adapted ‘political settlements’ framework that incorporates insights from the literatures on welfare state development – notably ‘power constellations’ theory, discursive institutionalism and global policy networks – can help frame political commitment to social protection as flowing from the interaction of domestic political economy and transnational ideas. Importantly, this approach situates social protection within a broader political and policy context, and highlights the influence of underlying power relations at multiple levels.     

The political participation of social workers: a comparative study

This article reports on a comparative study that examined the political participation of social workers in KwaZulu-Natal province in South Africa, the state of New South Wales (excluding the Hunter region) in Australia, and New Zealand. Each of these contexts had roughly the same number of social workers, that is, approximately 1,200. It was found that social workers in New Zealand tended to be more politically active than their counterparts in New South Wales and KwaZulu-Natal, and the reasons for this are examined. In the process, New Zealand is presented as a case study of the way in which social work has responded to its political context. Finally, conclusions are drawn as to the engagement of social workers in the policy cycle and of the need for them to become more active politically.     

The association of caregivers’ and children’s characteristics with children’s social preference and being a class leader in China

Children’s social status in China includes both informal (e.g., social preference) and formal (e.g., class leader) statuses. This study examines the associations among caregivers’ characteristics, children’s characteristics, children’s social preference, and being a class leader by using multiple sources of information (caregiver reports, self‐ratings, sociometric methods, and achievement data). The participants were 1,926 fourth‐ to ninth‐ graders (M_age = 12.7; 49.7% males) and their primary caregivers. The caregivers’ characteristics were found to be related more closely to class leader than to social preference. Both higher children’s interpersonal character and academic achievement were associated with higher social preference and class leader; however, academic achievement showed stronger relationships with both types of status than interpersonal character. The children’s characteristics mediated the associations between caregivers’ characteristics and children’s social statuses. The grade difference test showed that interpersonal character had a stronger association with social preference, and academic achievement had a stronger association with class leader in secondary school than in primary school. The results suggest that children’s characteristics (especially academic achievement) are strongly related to Chinese children’s social preference and being a class leader. In addition, the potential role of caregivers’ characteristics and the influence of child age are noteworthy.     

The politics of case management and social work

A case study analysing the introduction of case management into British social services supports the argument that social work is constructed through political processes. In such processes, the interaction among the interests of stakeholders within service innovations influences the construction of the role of social work. Case management was introduced to Britain, but developed in three different forms: social care entrepreneurship, brokerage and multiprofessional case management, including assertive outreach. The forms adopted were affected by the political interaction of stakeholders rather than the professional possibilities offered by case management itself. Evidence for the politics of case management is drawn from analysis of professional literature, the texts of official documents and empirical research outcomes. The introduction of case management led to a debate about how the nature of social work was affected by the innovation. Three alternative views were that social work was improved, or attacked by case management, or made a valid contribution to case management as a different form of practice. It is proposed that to understand the impact of a service innovation on social work, four factors must be considered: the character of the innovation itself; the economic, political and social contexts in which it is introduced; the political and social interests of the stakeholders themselves; and the political and social processes that take place during the introduction of the innovation.     

The impact of childhood maltreatment on young adults’ mental health: Evidence from the Philippines

Using a new retrospective data set on young Filipino adults, this study aims to quantify the prevalence, risk factors, and mental health consequences in later life of childhood maltreatment in the Philippines. A survey was conducted with a sample of 155 adults (83 women, 72 men) aged 18–24 living in Quezon City, the largest metropolitan city in the Philippines. Findings show that four out of five young Filipino adults experience minor physical violence during childhood, while one out of four suffer severe physical violence. Boys from less educated families that grow up in urban environments face the highest risks. While we find a strong link between childhood physical abuse and young adults’ mental health, no such effect was found for experiences of psychological aggression. Childhood physical abuse was further found to have negative effects on young adults’ family relations, social relations, and overall satisfaction with life.     

Quantifying fear: The social impact of terrorism

This paper proposes a methodology to measure social impact of terrorism. We define a multidimensional terrorism index based not only on deaths but also on other variables such as injuries, bombs and kidnappings. The weight of each terrorist activity is given by its social impact, which is estimated through its relevance in the media. For this task we build up a new data set from the four most important newspapers in Spain, namely, El País, El Mundo, ABC, and La Vanguardia. Finally, we evaluate the social impact of ETA terrorism in Spain from 1993 through 2004.     

Concurrent associations between mothers’ references to internal states and children’s social understanding in middle childhood

Although it is well established that features of maternal speech are associated with children’s social understanding in the preschool years, few studies explore this relationship in middle childhood. Within the context of a prospective longitudinal study of a representative community sample of families (subsample n = 207, mean age = 82.88 months), we investigated concurrent associations between mothers’ internal state language and aspects of 7‐year‐olds’ social understanding, including children’s understanding of belief and spontaneous references to internal states during free play. When sociodemographic, maternal, and child characteristics were controlled, mothers’ references to their own cognitions were associated with dimensions of children’s social understanding. Our findings suggest that exposure to others’ perspectives contributes to children’s advanced understanding of minds, which has implications for interventions that foster social understanding.     

The impact of the Doha trade proposals on farmers’ incomes in China

This paper analyzes the potential impacts of the Doha trade proposals (those of the USA, EU and G20) on agricultural production and incomes of China's farmers by region and income group. By linking a global trade model to a national policy model which itself is connected to a set of disaggregated household data, we are able to assess the effects of the proposed Doha trade liberalizations on households both at the national and regional levels. According to the results of the model, the impacts of a Doha Round agreement on households differ significantly from those of China's WTO accession. China's economy would benefit from the trade liberalization associated with the Doha Round. The overall impacts, however, are relatively minor. Although farmers will benefit at the national level, the gains among farmers vary largely by income group and province. Also, the impacts on households that produce different types of crops differ.