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1.
We study and compare equilibrium platforms in models of unidimensional electoral competition with two and four policy motivated
parties. We first analyze the plurality game, where the party getting the most votes is elected and implements its proposed
platform. Restrictions on the set of credible announcements are needed to get existence of equilibria. Comparing equilibria
with two and four parties, we obtain that moderate parties react to the introduction of extreme parties by proposing the same
or more extreme equilibrium platforms. We then study the proportional system, where the policy implemented is a weighted sum
of the proposals, with the voting shares as weights. Here, the existence of extreme parties leads moderate ones to choose
more centrist platforms. We finally test the robustness of our results with respect to, first, the enlargement of the strategy
space to entry decisions and, second, to asymmetric distributions of voters' blisspoints.
相似文献
Georges Casamatta (Corresponding author)Email: |
Philippe De DonderEmail: |
2.
Dana R. Fisher 《Sociological Forum》2006,21(3):467-494
This paper analyzes how natural resource interests have been translated into political outcomes in the form of American climate
change policy. Incorporating data about natural resource use and national decision-making, this paper concludes that comprehending
fully political decisions about global climate change in the United States requires us to recognize how land-use interests
in the growth machine are translated into political outcomes. The findings of this paper suggest that, in order to understand
social phenomena more fully, sociologists must recommit to studying the conjoint constitution of natural resources and social
processes.
相似文献
Dana R. FisherEmail: |
3.
Pamela Price 《Qualitative sociology》2006,29(3):301-316
The article explores political meanings in the context of recent economic and political changes in a village in south India.
Cultural constructions of political relations emerged in conversations between the author and village informants in Andhra
Pradesh. Informants perceived decline in the power and authority of former village lords and talked about the establishment
of authority in the new setting. In processes of democratization which had taken place, showing and receiving honor and respect
continued as political and social preoccupations. However, deserving honor and respect has become less a statement about political
superiority and domination and more about individual moral qualities.
相似文献
Pamela PriceEmail: |
4.
Plurality rule is mostly criticized from being capable of choosing an alternative considered as worst by a strict majority.
This paper considers elections in which the agenda consists of potential candidates strategically choosing whether or not
to enter the election. In this context, we examine the ability of scoring rules to fulfil the Condorcet criterion. We show
for the case of three potential candidates that Plurality rule is the only scoring rule that satisfies a version of the Condorcet
criterion in two cases: 1) when preferences are single-peaked and, 2) when preferences are single-dipped.
相似文献
Bernardo MorenoEmail: |
M. Socorro Puy (Corresponding author)Email: |
5.
In recent years, both Australia and New Zealand have embarked on significant labor market reforms which have resulted in more
decentralized and individualized systems of industrial relations. Although both countries share a common heritage of state-sponsored
conciliation and arbitration, which fostered a centralized approach to labor market regulation, each has responded in its
own way to economic and political pressures to reform its long-established industrial relations system. Despite differences
in the process of indusrial relations reform, both countries now have industrial relations systems which are more individualistic
and in which unions play a less significant role than in the past.
相似文献
Russell D. LansburyEmail: |
6.
Laszlo Bruszt Balazs Vedres 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2008,19(2):140-160
In this article, we explore the ways in which partnerships with the state within state-led developmental programs might effect
the autonomy of civic organizations (COs) and their readiness to enter in political action. To identify the relationship between
collaboration with the state and civic autonomy we draw on data from a survey of 740 Hungarian regional civic associations.
We did not find support for the theses that mixing with the state might undermine the autonomy of COs and lead to their political
neutralization. Also, we did not find support for the hypotheses that political action is solely about money or it is the
property of non-autonomous NGOs. We have identified several mechanisms that allow COs to combine participation in partnership
projects with maintained autonomy and political activism.
相似文献
Balazs VedresEmail: |
7.
The growth strategies of the listed exchanges affect the morphology of the securities industry as they are focused on the
consolidation of trading infrastructures and, on the other hand, on the diversification of the business model. New “conglomeral
exchanges” are characterized by a far-reaching production function. Since they integrate product-service lines which are complementary,
they potentially herald competitive distorsions limiting the investor’s freedom of choice and prejudicing the interest for
the best result from the investment.
相似文献
Josanco FloreaniEmail: |
8.
The Financial Assimilation of an Immigrant Group: Evidence on the Use of Checking and Savings Accounts and Currency Exchanges 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
This article examines the determinants of financial market participation for a particular group of immigrants: Hmong refugees
in Minneapolis/St. Paul, Minnesota. Our findings indicate that controlling for income and education, Hmong immigrants are
less likely to have savings accounts and credit cards and are more likely to use currency exchanges, compared to randomly
selected non-Hmong households living in the same neighborhoods. However, these effects are mitigated by time spent in the
US. Financial assimilation appears to take 15–20 years. These findings expand our understanding of immigrant assimilation
and highlight some of the complexities associated with the process of assimilation.
相似文献
Sherrie L. W. RhineEmail: |
9.
Matthew Mahler 《Qualitative sociology》2006,29(3):281-300
Drawing data from works of political non-fiction that help to reveal the moral and sensual underpinnings of political practice,
this paper seeks to adumbrate a sensualist understanding of political engagement. After beginning with a brief discussion
of Weber’s seminal essay “Politics as a Vocation,” I then construct an ideal type of political passion with which to highlight
the inherent shortcomings that plague traditional explanations of political action. My argument is that these approaches are
all vitiated by their reliance on Chinese-box epistemology. I go on to suggest that in order to obtain a genuinely sociological
account of political engagement, one must develop methods that are true to the experiential specifics of politics while recognizing
the conditions that shape the possibility of those very experiences.
相似文献
Matthew MahlerEmail: |
10.
11.
We study the general class of two-player public-policy contests and specify the asymmetry condition under which a more restrained government intervention that reduces the contestants’ prizes has the “perverse” effect of increasing their aggregate lobbying efforts.
相似文献
Shmuel NitzanEmail: |
12.
Yugang Chen 《Transition Studies Review》2009,16(1):8-19
Based on the current global financial crisis, the article introduces two recent typical perspectives on international order
from the angle of discussion on the decline of the US, pointing out that the real trend of the development of international
political economic order is flatenization. International power will be distributed in a flat model. In this kind of order
big powers, main regional nation groups and important international organizations and institutions will share power in an
increasingly equal way. The demands for reform of the international financial system against this financial crisis also reflect
the trend of flatenization of the international political economic order.
相似文献
Yugang ChenEmail: |
13.
Nina L. Hall Ros Taplin 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2007,18(4):317-338
This paper compares climate change campaigns conducted by environmental nongovernment organizations (NGOs) in the United Kingdom
(UK) and Australia. The NGOs represent a diversity of political access, financial resources, and international connections.
Three campaign activities common to both countries undertaken between 2004 and 2006 are analyzed for their effectiveness via
interviews and document review. This examination is embedded within an analysis of the political, economic, policy, and social
contexts of each country. It is shown that in the UK climate change has been used as a pivotal leadership issue, that the
fossil fuel industry’s influence is not predominant, and that NGOs enjoy political legitimacy. Whereas, in Australia climate
change has only recently emerged as a political priority, the fossil fuel industry has had significant political and financial
influence, and NGO advocacy has been marginalized. It is argued that NGOs are embedded in the political and policy contexts
of their country, and the greatest campaign traction and NGO influence can only be achieved when these contexts provide favorable
conditions.
相似文献
Nina L. HallEmail: |
14.
Jiang Ru Leonard Ortolano 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2009,20(2):141-168
Social movement theories provide a framework for explaining the post-1990 rise in China’s citizen-organized environmental
nongovernmental organizations (ENGOs), which consisted of at least 128 organizations as of 2004. We use a political process
model, which is based on favorable political opportunities, cognitive liberation, and indigenous organizational strength,
to explain the sharp growth in citizen organized ENGOs. In addition, we employ a world society perspective to help clarify
why the political environment in China became favorable for ENGO growth, and how international ENGO practices were diffused
within China. Our analysis shows that the relatively high status of ENGO founders together with their personal and professional
networks also played important roles in ENGO growth.
相似文献
Jiang RuEmail: |
15.
The inverse plurality rule—an axiomatization 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Under the ‘inverse plurality rule’, voters specify only their least preferred alternative. Our first result establishes that
this rule is the only scoring rule that satisfies the minimal veto condition (MV). We then prove that the inverse plurality
rule is characterized by MV and the four well known conditions that characterize scoring rules; namely, Anonymity (A), Neutrality
(N), Reinforcement (RE) and Continuity (CO). Our new characterization result is related to the characterizations of approval
voting and of the widely used plurality rule. We finally show how the axiomatization of the inverse plurality rule can be
extended to the axiomatization of elementary scoring rules (vote for t-alternatives scoring rules).
We are indebted to two anonymous referees for their most useful comments.
相似文献
Eyal Baharad (Corresponding author)Email: |
Shmuel NitzanEmail: |
16.
This paper examines the structure and the main characteristics of the Chinese banking industry. In particular, the paper analyses
the problematic aspects of credit relations of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The SMEs are facing several problems in
accessing the bank loans market, dominated by the political and contractual weight of state-owned enterprises. However, some
recent reforms have improved the situation, a fundamental condition for additional positive results. Nevertheless, further
and more pervasive modernization efforts are needed to consolidate these results and to develop the relationships between
banks and SMEs.
相似文献
Rubens PauluzzoEmail: |
17.
Using data from 9,674 individuals in three waves of the Health and Retirement Study, we used three latent-class transition
models to predict the probabilities of monetary transfers that study participants made to adult children and received from
their adult children over a 6-year period of time, from 1998 to 2002. Generally, we found a high degree of stability in over
time transition patterns. Whereas time invariant predictor variables (i.e., age, race, and gender) were related to the probabilities
of transfers in Wave 1 of the study, these variables were not predictive of over time changes. Only changes in marital status
were consistently related to intergenerational exchanges of monetary resources over time.
相似文献
Timothy S. KillianEmail: |
18.
Mirella Landriscina 《Qualitative sociology》2006,29(4):447-466
Through a case study of a leading service provider organization in Philadelphia, this paper explores the advocacy work of
a publicly funded, professionalized, institutionalized nonprofit organization. In this article I relate how in the spring
of 2002, staff at the organization responded to a recurring political issue: local business groups were again calling for
official action against “aggressive panhandlers” in the downtown district. I use ethnographic and historical data to show
that the organization’s institutionalization and ties to the public sector have allowed staff to develop resources and skills
for being both contentious claim-makers and influential actors in the institutional political arena.
相似文献
Mirella LandriscinaEmail: |
19.
Emmanuel Barthe B. Grant Stitt 《Journal of gambling studies / co-sponsored by the National Council on Problem Gambling and Institute for the Study of Gambling and Commercial Gaming》2009,25(2):139-152
Research on the relationship between casinos and crime has yielded mixed conclusions. Some authors argue that casinos are
crime attractors and provide fertile grounds for disorder in the surrounding communities. Others claim that the impact of
casinos on the crime problem has been over-stated and that casinos in themselves are not crime generators. Relying on calls
for service and incidents known to the police, this research reveals the specific spatial and temporal characteristics of
all criminal and disorderly behaviors around casino venues.
相似文献
Emmanuel BartheEmail: |
20.
Consider an individual whose judgments are always based on a fundamental criterion such as a political ideology or a religious doctrine. In a choice situation, he always prefers any alternative that is compatible with the criterion to any that is not. When individuals are allowed to have preference spaces restricted in this manner, we investigate Arrow-consistent domains. We observe that a diversity of attitudes is essential in order to escape an Arrovian impossibility.This paper received the Kanematsu Fellowship from RIEB, Kobe University in May 2002. We are much indebted to two anonymous referees of this journal, three anonymous referees of the Kanematsu Fellowship, Jun Iritani, William Thomson, and John Weymark for helpful comments. We also thank Takashi Kamihigashi, Tetsuya Kishimoto, Ryo-ichi Nagahisa, Hiroaki Nagatani, Tadashi Sekiguchi, Koji Shimomura, Tomoichi Shinotsuka, Koichi Suga, Makoto Tanaka, Ken Urai, and participants at the Kobe-Osaka Joint Seminar in Mathematical Economics at Osaka University in March 2001, the meeting of the Japanese Economic Association at Hiroshima Syudo University in May 2001, the Far Eastern Meeting of the Econometric Society in Kobe in July 2001, the Seventh Decentralization Conference at Waseda University in October 2001, the Sixth International Meeting of the Society for Social Choice and Welfare at Caltech in July 2002 for valuable suggestions. The first version was written while we were graduate students in Economics at Kobe University.
相似文献
Toyotaka Sakai (Corresponding author)Email: |
Masaki ShimojiEmail: |