Family Cap and Nonmarital Fertility: The Racial Conditioning of Policy Effects

Using an experimental design, this research examines the effect of the nation's first family cap on the births, abortions, and contraception use of over 8,000 women receiving public assistance in New Jersey. The family cap denies additional cash benefits to children conceived while the mother is receiving public assistance. Our research shows that a targeted welfare benefit manipulation does influence fertility behavior; however, the effect is conditioned by race. We find that Black women in the experimental group have a 21% lower birth rate and a 32% higher abortion rate than Black women in the control group. We do not find a birth effect for Hispanic or White women. We discuss the policy implications of the effects of a segmented family cap.     

Migrant-nonmigrant differentials in socioeconomic status,fertility and family planning in Nepal

This study identifies the socioeconomic characterisitics of immigrants in Nepal, their fertility, and the incidence of family planning. These characterisitics are contrasted with the receiving or nonmigrant population and inferences drawn regarding the probable social and demographic impact immigrants may have on the "receiving" population. Demographic surveys were conducted annually from 1975 through 1978 in the Hills and Terai by the research and evaluation unit of the Family Planning/Maternal Child Health (FR/MCH) Project. In each of these geographic areas, all districts were matched on a set of social and demographic characteristics. 2 districts were then selected from each area on the basis of their similarity to each other. The sample design for all districts involved selection of panchayats (a political unit roughly equivalent to a country) and their wards (villages) on the basis of a procedure which refers to a selection of units based upon probabilities proportional to size of the population of the units. Currently married women aged 15-44 in all households of the secondary sampling units, i.e., wards, were interviewed. Both migrant women and their husbands had a higher level of educational attainment than nonmigrant women and their husbands. Indian migrants had higher proportions in the largest landholding groups than nonmigrant and lower proportions who are landless. The differential was maintained among Indians who had lived in the Terai for 10 years or less as well as 11 years or more. This finding was particularly striking since Indian migrants make up 25% of the sample. Current marital fertility (as measured by age specific and total fertility rates) was highest among Indian migrants, but cumulative fertility or past reproductive performance (as measured by the mean number of children ever-born) was highest among migrants from "other districts." With the exception of the youngest age group, migrants from "other districts" have higher proportion of "ever users" and "current users" of family planning than nonmigrants or migrants from India throughout the age structure. The highest proportion for both "ever users" and "current users" was reached at ages 35-39 years. Indian migrants in contrast had the lowest proportions of "ever users" and "current users" throughout the age structure (with the exception of the age group 35-39).     

Intimate Partner Violence: Modifying an Internet-Based Safety Decision Aid to a New Zealand Context

Women experiencing intimate partner violence face complex decisions in navigating their safety. In a feasibility study, we examined the suitability of an intimate partner violence interactive online decision aid developed in the United States for its application in New Zealand, particularly with regard to cultural appropriateness. We conducted focus group sessions with women who experienced partner violence and focus group sessions with service providers. Women completed the U.S. online decision aid tool and provided feedback on the safety decision criteria, content, and design. Considering the findings from the focus group sessions the decision aid was modified. We reflect on the process of balancing women's stories with technical limitations and constraints of a replication study.     

Fertility Preferences and Cognition: Religiosity and Experimental Effects of Decision Context on College Women

Better models of culture and cognition may help researchers understand fertility and family formation. The authors examine cognition about fertility using an experimental survey design to investigate how fertility preferences of college women are affected by two prompts that bring to mind fertility‐relevant factors: career aspirations and financial limitations. The authors test the effects of these prompts on fertility preferences and ask how effects vary with respondent religiosity, an aspect of social identity related to fertility preferences. The authors find significant effects of treatment on fertility preferences when accounting for religiosity: Less religious women who considered their career aspirations or financial limitations reported smaller desired family size, but this effect was attenuated for more religious women. This study demonstrates how fertility preferences are shaped by decision contexts for some sociodemographic groups. The authors discuss how the findings support a social–cognitive model of fertility.     

The problem of multiple causation in population analysis, with particular reference to the poplygamy-fertility hypothesis

The hypothesis that polygyny is associated with higher fertility than monogamy was evaluated. An assessment of previous studies and of the results of a 1966-1967 study comparing the fertility levels of polygynously and monogamously married women in a rural and an urban population in Nigeria lead to the conclusion that the hypothesis was useless. The hypothesis was judged to be useless because 1) fertility rates are the product of multiple influences; 2) it is too difficult to separate out these multiple influences, given the variability involved in polygynous practices and the inadequates of the data; and 3) the influence of polygyny on fertility is too slight to take into account. In the Nigerian study, the fertility of 2742 monogamously married women was compared with the fertility of 1261 polygynously married women. Preliminary analysis revealed that the fertility rate was higher for polygynously married women; however, when marriage duration was controlled, there was no significant differences between the fertility rates observed for the polygynously and monogamously married women living in rural areas nor those living in urban area.     

Women's Childhood Experience: A Perspective from Rural Haryana,India

The childhood experience of women is an important aspect of study in order to promote a change in women's fertility behavior and individual perpetration of gender discrimination. We looked into different dimensions and correlates of childhood experiences by exploring data of 329 women in an ethnographic survey conducted in five villages of Haryana, India. We found women's childhood experiences in rural Haryana were relatively worse; a significant proportion of women had faced food discrimination during their childhood and also were abused/cursed by the family because of their gender. Almost none of the women were asked for their opinion before arranging their marriage and in most cases their marriage was considered a burden. We conclude that a life cycle approach should be taken to examine the situation of girls in rural India starting from early childhood into adolescence and womanhood in order to solve the problem of high gender discrimination within the society.     

The relationship between migration and fertility in an historical context: the case of Morocco in the 1960s

The relationship between migration and fertility was explored on the basis of data collected in a 1966 survey conducted in the 9 largest cities of Morocco. Existing contradictory findings suggest the need to specify and analyze the conditions under which fertility differentials by migration status are observed. The 2 theoretically most interesting conditions were considered: the historical context of migration; and the type of migration. A stratified area probability sample was selected with different sampling fractions within each city and city-strata. In each sampled household, 1 married woman under age 50 and 1 50 years and over, as well as single women ranging in age from 15-24, were selected at random and interviewed by female interviewers. The present analysis was limited to data for ever married women under age 50. The following variables were used as controls in the analysis of the relationship between migration status and fertility: the intermediate variable of age at marriage; measures of socioeconomic status; labor force participation of women; and measures of exposure to the modernizing influence of the city. If the 2 conditions of historical context and migration typology had been ignored in the analysis of data for Morocco's cities in 1966, meaningful fertility differentials would not have been evident. It was only after migration typology and historical context were considered that a more noticeable pattern of differential fertility emerged. Migrants of rural or urban origin who moved to the largest cities of Morocco after independence in 1956 had the lowest fertility of any group. The highest fertility was observed for women who moved to these cities before 1956. The fertility of urban natives and of urban migrants who moved before 1956 was between the 2 extreme levels. Controlling for the effects of age at marriage and various socioeconomic factors reduced the fertility differentials but failed to change their pattern. It was hypothesized that the lower fertility of recent migrants may be explained by social mobility.     

THE EFFECTS OF EDUCATION ON FERTILITY: EVIDENCE FROM TAIWAN

This study investigates the impact of women's education on fertility. For identification, we use the 1968 compulsory education law change in Taiwan, which generated a regression discontinuity design (RDD) setting. We use the whole population of women from the 1980 and 2010 Population Censuses. Results of our RDD estimation using the exact date of birth suggest that the law change was effective in boosting women's education, but it did not have any impact on fertility. This is in stark contrast to most previous studies using only the birth year as the running variable or using it to construct instruments, which find that women's education depresses fertility. This study demonstrates that using a discrete running variable in RDD may generate a false discontinuity for an otherwise continuous regression function. (JEL J13, C21, I2)     

Determinants of marital fertility in Pakistan: the impact of education,work and family planning

The relative impact of the indirect and direct determinants of fertility of Pakistani women was assessed using the 1990/91 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS). A total of 7926 households was selected and 5713 women of reproductive age (15-49 years old) who had at least one birth were interviewed. Several social, economic, and demographic variables were employed to assess the number of children ever born. Ordinary least squares regression was used to estimate four multivariate models of children ever born. The direct and indirect determinants and the control variable of current age were simultaneously entered for each of four models that differed by age: 15-49, 15-24, 25-34, and 35-49 years. There was a 0.5 child difference between children ever born (4.64) and living children (4.11) for the 15-49 age group. This indicates infant and child mortality: 26% of the women experienced at least one child death before the age of 2 years. The oldest group had the lowest percentage ever attending school: 19% vs. 25% and 26% (15-24 and 25-34 age groups, respectively). Education was nonsignificant for the youngest and middle-aged cohorts, but it was negative and significant for the older cohorts. For employment, only the 25-34 age group was negative and significant. Age at marriage and breast feeding were strong and negative for all models. Current use of family planning was positive and significant for the oldest age group and the total. The younger cohorts did not have a negative and significant relationship between education and fertility; and the 15-24 age group living in a major city had significantly higher fertility than their town and village counterparts. The variables that showed differential impact were education, employment, residence, and contraceptive use. Education did not significantly lower fertility for the younger groups, but it did for the older group. Employment significantly lowered fertility for the 25-34 age group. Contraceptive prevalence steadily increased from 7% in the 15-19 age group to nearly 21% in the 35-39 age group.     

Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

Childlessness revisited: A longitudinal study of voluntarily childless couples,delayed parents,and parents

A seven-year follow-up study of couples who were voluntarily childless, delayed parents, and parents was carried out utilizing questionnaire items from the original study by the author (Bram, 1974). At the time of the follow-up, the subjects were 33 years of age and were married nine years, on the average, thus facilitating an investigation of childbearing decisions over the life cycle. Data were collected on attitudes toward children and parenthood, self-image, marriage, lifestyle, and goals. Most of the original fertility statuses and expectations have held true: over two-thirds of the Childless have remained childless and most of the Delays have had children. Although the Childless are still relatively more nontraditional than the Delays and Parents, as in the original study, there are some convergences among the groups, e.g., the Delay and Parent women have become more achievement-oriented over time. There are divergences in the development of attitudes among the Childless men and women in regard to the meaning of childlessness and the value of work. The perceived quality of life varies according to both gender and fertility status, with the Delays expressing the greatest dissatisfaction.The original study on which this follow-up was based was funded by a grant from the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations Program in Social Science, Law, and Population Policy (1972–1973). The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Elisabeth Moore, R.N., M.S., and Deborah Oakley, Ph.D. Requests for reprints should be sent to: Susan Bram, Ph.D., New York Hospital—Cornell Medical Center, Westchester Division, 21 Bloomingdale Road, White Plains, New York 10605.     

Female labour force participation and fertility

The levels of labor force participation by women in selected Asian countries were recorded in a series of censuses taken over a period of years. These levels were less influenced than male employment levels by economic conditions and more influenced by cultural traits of the country. Postwar trends seem to have fallen in Korea, risen in Singapore and the Philippines, and remained steady in Japan, Malaya, and Thailand. The limitations of these data are mentioned. In Thailand and West Malaysia greater percentages of women worked in agricultural than non-agricultural employment; in the Philippines, where women did not work so much in agricultural pursuits, their jobs were still in traditional rather than in development industries. In the cities of Bangkok, Manila, and Kuala Lumpur, fertility was lower for working than for non-working women. In rural agricultural areas, the fertility of working women was minimally higher, probably due to economic need of lar ger families. It is concluded that urban life separates the employment and the family roles of working women, leading to lowered fertility; this does not occur in rural areas. The creation of new roles for women alternative or supplementary to marriage and motherhood would result in lowered fertility. In high fertility Asian countries, policies directed toward greater participation of women in non-agricultural work and great er exposure to an urban lifestyle might achieve fertility reductions.     

Peer support and food security in deaf college students

Abstract

Objective: The purpose of the study was to investigate whether peer support and demographic characteristics predicted food security among deaf college students. Participants: The sample included 166 deaf college students at Gallaudet University. Methods: Participants completed a bilingual online survey in American Sign Language (ASL) and English. This survey included USDA’s 6-item food security survey, questions about peer support and socio-demographic characteristics. Results: Out of 166 students (mean age =23; SD?=?6), 60.7% were food secure. About 26.4% were at-risk for low food security and another 12.9% had very low food security. The sample included respondents who identified as people of color (54%) and women (52%). Binary logistic regression revealed that compared to people who reported always receiving peer support, people who never received peer support were 16.3 times more likely to experience food insecurity (adj OR: 16.325, 95% CI 1.824–146.107). Conclusions: This study demonstrates a strong relationship between peer support and deaf college students' food security experiences.     

Resistive training and long-term function in older adults

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of a 24-month moderate-intensity resistive-training intervention on strength and function in older adults. A repeated-measures experimental research design was employed as a sample of 55 apparently healthy, older, community-dwelling volunteers (30 exercisers- 25 women and 5 men; 25 comparisons- 16 women and 9 men) were evaluated for strength of 5 muscle groups that influence lower extremity movement and physical function. Strength and function were evaluated at 6-month intervals. The findings from this study indicate that a moderate-intensity resistive-training program increases strength in older adults and that the strength benefits are retained for the duration of the intervention. Furthermore, a long-term strength-training program can increase independent-function skills in older adults and might therefore aid in prolonging functional independence.     

“The Motherhood Wage Gap for Women in the United States: The Importance of College and Fertility Delay”

One of the stylized facts from the past 30 years has been the declining rate of first births before age 30 for all women and the increase rate of first births after age 30 among women with four-year college degrees (Steven P. Martin, Demography, 37(4), 523–533, 2000). What are some of the factors behind womens decision to postpone their childbearing? We hypothesize that the wage difference often observed between like-educated mothers and non-mothers (Jane Waldfogel, Journal of Labor Economics, 16, 505–545, 1998a; Journal of Economic Perspectives 12(1) 137–156, 1998b) may be affected by the postponement of childbearing until after careers are fully established. Hence, we focus on college-educated women because they are typically more career-oriented than their non-college educated counterparts and also the group most often observed postponing maternity. We use individual-level data on women from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) in order to control for individual-level unobserved heterogeneity as well as human capital characteristics, such as actual work experience, in our empirical analysis. We estimate wage equations, first producing base-line results to compare to the existing literature. Then, we expand the basic wage equation model to address fundamental econometric issues and the education/fertility issue at hand. Our empirical findings are two-fold. First, we find that college-educated mothers do not experience a motherhood wage penalty at all. In fact, they enjoy a wage boost when compared to college-educated childless women. Second, fertility delay enhances this wage boost even further. Our results provide an explanation for the observed postponement of maternity for educated women. We argue that the wage boost experienced by college-educated mothers may be the result of their search for family–friendly work environments, which, in turn, yields job matches with more female-friendly firms offering greater opportunities for advancement.JEL Codes: J13 and J3     

Fertility differences between the family of orientation and the family or procreation in Barbados

Data from an island-wide probability sample of 4119 Barbadian females aged 16-50 were used to study whether there has been an intergenerational fertility decline between the respondents and their mothers. The fertility of the respondents, all from the low or lower middle class, was significantly lower than that of their mothers. However, the size of the family of procreation was seen to be positively related to the size of the family of orientation; i.e., those from large families tended to have large families and vice versa. There was, however, a regression to the mean. There were no differences between women from small and large families as to fertility norms, age at 1st use of contraceptives, or actual practice of contraception. Women from small families did tend to enter sexual relationships and get pregnant at a later age. The women from small families were better educated, earned higher incomes, and had higher status occupations, all factors which might have influenced their fertility. Women from larger families cited higher numbers for both small and large families than did the women from small families. This indicates a perceptual difference which was, in turn, related to fertility differences.     

“Minutes to Midnight”: Problems and Promises

Abstract

This paper assesses the relative impact of direct and indirect determinants of marital fertility in Pakistan, where the vast majority of women do not use any method of fertility regulation. Data came from the 1990/91 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, and models were estimated for women aged 15–49, 15–24, 25–34 and 35–49. The younger cohort may be the vanguard of change; change which may be masked by investigating only the conventional 15–49 age group. Findings indicate that unlike the older cohorts, the younger cohort does not have negative and significant relationships between education, employment and fertility; and, that the current use of family planning is positive and significant with fertility for the 35–49 cohort only. These findings suggest that there is a threshold or minimum number of children that a woman must produce before determinants such as current use of family planning, education and employment impact fertility.     

The effect of income on fertility among Canadian women

This study compares the fertility of three generations of immigrant women in Canada and examines whether the same set of predictors accounts for differential fertility among the three groups. The analysis of current family size of the three generations and the two age groups, 18–34 and 35–49, of currently married or cohabiting women reveals considerable variation in the effects of sociodemographic and economic variables on fertility. These variations suggest that education and religiosity are more related to the fertility of the first-generation women, religiosity is more related to the fertility of the second-generation women, and religious preference, religiosity, and expected income are more related to the fertility of the third-generation women. Whereas expected income exerts consistently significant effects on the fertility of all the three generations of younger cohorts, relative income affects the fertility only of first-generation women of younger cohorts. She earned her Ph.D. in demography from the Department of Sociology, University of Alberta. Her research interests include differential fertility and new reproductive technologies. Her publications have appeared inSocial Biology, Socio-Economic Planning Sciences, Journal of Bio-Social Science, Biology and Society, and elsewhere. Direct all correspondence to Dr. Vijaya Krishnan, 11247-79 Avenue, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G 0P2.     

Education and fertility in Iran

Studies providing evidence concerning literacy's relationship to fertility in Iran are reviewed. Reliable demographic data are unavailable for Iran before the 1st census in 1956. The 1966 census revealed a reversal of the normally expected larger female population, with a sex ratio of 107 men for every 100 women. The female population in Iran is accorded low status; only 29.6% of the population over the age of 10 was literate according to the 1966 census. A negative relationship between literacy or levels of education and fertility seems to have become a basic tenet of demographic theory. The hypothesis that as a woman's education increases she has fewer children has been confirmed in numerous studies, and, in response to this information, the Iranian government has sponsored several projects which incorporate family planning education into literacy projects. In view of the associations noted in other studies of the relationship between education and fertility, it seems wise to examine the effects of education on fertility in Iran. None of the studies reviewed give conclusive evidence that literacy is unrelated to fertility in Iran. Several of the studies reveal built-in biases: the husbands in Siassi's study were all military personnel; Gulick interviewed women who were already attending family planning clinics; Edlefsen and Liberman made some highly abstract and speculative predictions, and Lieberman et al. were basically measuring incomes instead of education. All of the studies do, however, give some indication of an irregular effect of education on fertility in Iran and swggest the need for further study of this variable.     

The Effect of Contraceptive Knowledge on Fertility: The Roles of Mass Media and Social Networks

This study examines the effect of contraceptive knowledge on fertility during the period when Taiwan’s family planning programs were in effect. This study contributes to previous studies by directly measuring individual’s contraceptive knowledge and fertility, as well as applying an instrumental variable approach to gauge the effect of contraceptive knowledge on fertility. The results indicate that mass media and social networks play important roles in disseminating contraceptive knowledge. This study finds that women transform their knowledge into behavior—that is, contraceptive knowledge reduces fertility, no matter which fertility metric is measured (life-time fertility or probability of giving birth).