犹太民族与中东穆斯林世界关系演变及其前景展望

历史上,犹太人与穆斯林并非天敌。《古兰经》承认犹太民族是一个"有经典的"优秀民族,对犹太人背井离乡深表同情,但对犹太教持否定与批判态度。犹太人与穆斯林之间的关系以和谐相处为特征,双方关系的恶化始于西方国家对穆斯林世界的侵略,锡安主义成了外部世界染指中东地区的工具。目前,以色列与中东穆斯林世界的关系将受制于缓和原则、在锡安主义上的工具性与目的性分离的原则、先易后难的原则和亮点原则等因素。以色列要化解与穆斯林世界的矛盾需要审时度势,针对不同国家采取不同对策。双方只有建立互信,才能最终实现和平共处。     

从宗教视角透视冷战后美国中东政策的悖论

冷战后，美国调整了中东政策，但通过扶持和偏袒以色列来制衡阿拉伯世界的基本原则和控制中东地区的战略意图没有变。结果它既没有造就一个安全而稳定的以色列，也没有有效地控制中东地区，其政策目标与实现手段存在着悖论。本文从宗教的角度分析其中的原因，包括美国是一个宗教社会，犹太教一基督新教是美国社会道德规范和价值观准则的基础，决定着美国外交的大方向；犹太教的“教族合一”奠定了美国犹太人支持以色列的基础，而基督教与犹太教的同一性造就了绝大多数美国国民对以色列的强烈认同；美国犹太人与以色列在美国的院外集团联手左右着美国的中东政策等。     

美国犹太人与以色列关系模式的转变

美国犹太人与以色列的密切关系对美以特殊关系和美国偏袒以色列的中东政策具有重要推动作用。美国犹太人与以色列关系的模式正经历着从"群众动员"向"直接接触"的转变,美国犹太人对以色列的立场出现碎片化和多样化的趋势,以色列也对原有关系模式进行了反思。美国犹太人积极介入以色列政坛为其增添了更多的复杂因素。     

从宗教视角透视冷战后美国中东政策的悖论

冷战后,美国调整了中东政策,但通过扶持和偏袒以色列来制衡阿拉伯世界的基本原则和控制中东地区的战略意图没有变。结果它既没有造就一个安全而稳定的以色列,也没有有效地控制中东地区,其政策目标与实现手段存在着悖论。本文从宗教的角度分析其中的原因,包括美国是一个宗教社会,犹太教一基督新教是美国社会道德规范和价值观准则的基础,决定着美国外交的大方向;犹太教的“教族合一”奠定了美国犹太人支持以色列的基础,而基督教与犹太教的同一性造就了绝大多数美国国民对以色列的强烈认同;美国犹太人与以色列在美国的院外集团联手左右着美国的中东政策等。     

美国、中东国家和中东激进组织对石油利益与经济公平的不同解读

中东拥有丰富的石油资源，但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运。后冷战时期，由于各种内外矛盾的牵制，中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化。美国控制石油的动机表白，与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远，与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭。涉及经济公平的石油利益，对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力，使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满。     

美国外交战略中的公民伊斯兰理论与实践

公民伊斯兰是“9·11”后国际政治领域的一个重要议题.它首先基于伊斯兰传统的国家内部社会的结构性变迁,印尼和土耳其是两个典型例子.作为世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,印尼政治却处于世俗民族主义原则的指导之下,包括苏加诺的“五项原则”、新秩序时期的统合主义以及后苏哈托时期的多元主义；土耳其则是伊斯兰民主的代表.在凯末尔世俗主义的原则下,政治伊斯兰在经济发展和国际因素的影响下日益兴起.与以暴力恐怖为主要特征的中东地区不同,印尼和土耳其展现出伊斯兰政治的另外一种模式.自由或温和伊斯兰同样体现为美国针对伊斯兰世界的一种重要外交战略.     

以色列阿拉伯公民的发展现状及其政治意识

以色列建国61年来,尽管其阿拉伯公民的社会地位和生活境况已有了很大改善,但他们并没有完全融入以色列社会.以色列作为一个犹太国家和西方民主国家的双重特性,决定了其对阿拉伯公民实行的是一种表面上平等而实质上则是剥夺与压迫、歧视、隔离和分化的政策.以色列阿拉伯公民的民族政治意识经历了几个发展阶段,已克服了最初的混乱和迷惘,将争取自己在以色列国内的平等地位和权利作为自己的目标,并提出了明确的政治愿景,对以色列的立国理念--锡安主义形成了挑战.正视阿拉伯公民的合理要求并将其纳入以色列民族国家构建的范畴之内,不仅关系到以色列国家的稳定和发展,而且对未来巴勒斯坦建国进程及其巴以关系的走向也将产生重要影响.     

以色列的移民问题

对于以色列来说,没有移民就没有以色列国。19世纪下半叶,在犹太复国主义思潮的推动下,犹太人开始有组织地向巴勒斯坦大规模移民。到以色列建国前夕,大约已有65万来自东欧和俄罗斯的犹太人踏上巴勒斯坦的土地。建国后,为保证犹太人占人口多数,政府首先在法律上为犹太人移居以色列敞开大门。以色列建国后通过的第一部法令,就是废除前统治者制定的限制犹太移民的规定;1950年出台的以色列     

美国、中东国家和中东激进组织对石油利益与经济公平的不同解读

中东拥有丰富的石油资源,但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运.后冷战时期,由于各种内外矛盾的牵制,中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化.美国控制石油的动机表白,与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远,与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭.涉及经济公平的石油利益,对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力,使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满.     

英法穆斯林移民政治参与的政治机会结构分析

英国和法国的穆斯林群体均已发展成为两国国内最大的少数族群。不同的移民模式和政策导致英、法两国穆斯林群体政治参与的机会和效果存在较大差异。在英国宽容的"多元文化主义"模式下,穆斯林获得了包括政治权利在内的诸多自由。英国穆斯林通过政党政治、选举政治、社团政治、媒体政治等手段积极参与英国的政治生活,政治参与效果显著。法国穆斯林受制于该国严苛的"共和同化"模式,其政治参与主要通过政党政治和选举政治来实现,而在社团政治和媒体政治方面与英国穆斯林均存在着较大差距,其影响力和政治参与效果较为有限。在对中东问题的关注上,英国穆斯林对英国中东外交的诸多领域都积极参与,而法国穆斯林对中东问题的关注度和对法国中东政策的影响力远低于英国穆斯林。     

宗教因素对伊斯兰帝国民族关系之影响

民族问题已成为二战后政治秩序中的重要问题之一。宗教与民族存在着密切的关系,宗教不仅对民族的形成、发展和演变产生了巨大推动作用,还对民族间的交往产生了重要影响。中世纪早期的西班牙是伊斯兰教、基督教和犹太教三个一神教的共存之地,也是阿拉伯、柏柏尔、西哥特罗马和犹太各民族的大融合时期。以这一时期民族关系的宗教因素为研究目标,有助于我们更好地探索二者之间的关系,为现代阿拉伯国家民族关系的发展提供一定的借鉴。     

宗教因素对伊斯兰帝国民族关系之影响

民族问题已成为二战后政治秩序中的重要问题之一。宗教与民族存在着密切的关系,宗教不仅对民族的形成、发展和演变产生了巨大推动作用,还对民族间的交往产生了重要影响。中世纪早期的西班牙是伊斯兰教、基督教和犹大教三个一神教的共存之地,也是阿拉伯、柏柏尔、西哥特罗马和犹太备民族的大融合时期。以这一时期民族关系的宗教因素为研究目标,有助于我们更好地探索二者之间的关系,为现代阿拉伯国家民族关系的发展提供一定的借鉴。     

Gender boundaries and sexual categories in the Arab world

This essay considers the construction of gender and sexual images in the Arab world and how Western responses to Islam have affected the way Islam is perceived and interpreted. After a brief introduction, the essay discusses the problems of using Islam as a standard methodological yardstick in the face of the diversity of Muslim lifestyles and interpretations. The next section describes gender boundaries and social barriers in Islam that involve rigid segregation of the sexes. While Islam is shown not to favor full gender equality, the dynamic interaction between a Middle Eastern culture and the Islamic religion, each of which promote the ostensible inferiority of women, makes it difficult to determine whether culture or religion has had more influence on gender relations. The essay continues with a look at controversies about homosexuality, the condition that defined the difference between Christianity and Islam. Characteristics of present-day sexism and sexuality among the Arabs are highlighted in a look at the persistence of male dominance, the restriction of women from the public sphere, theories about the toleration of homosexuality, and the taboo extended towards lesbians and others practicing free sex. It is concluded that the study of gender and sexuality in the Middle East remains incomplete and preliminary, although gender studies have progressed in the past two decades. Social and sexual tensions have been exacerbated by the rise of fundamentalism, and homosexuality remains a forbidden topic for Muslim scholars.     

LANGUAGE STRUCTURING OF RELIGIOUS AWARENESS: A LEXICOGRAPHIC APPROACH

We take a semiotic approach to studying religion in order to assess how basic English conveys the structure of the institution of religion and provides the lay public with knowledge about religious identities. Our data consist of definitions of religious identities provided by two dictionaries. The identities we consider are from Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and other religions. From the dictionary definitions, we created a semantic network showing how the meaning of one identity is elucidated by references to other identities. The network can be interpreted as roughly mapping the institutional layout of religion. Identities in the network partition into clusters corresponding to the major faiths, and status hierarchies of some institutional structures like abbeys are evident within faiths. A few bridging identities link different faiths, so the overall structure is loosely connected apart from a few semantic isolates. Our results suggest that basic English biases its speakers' awareness overwhelmingly toward Christian identities, provides meager knowledge regarding Judaism, and offers limited and sometimes eccentric views of other major faiths.     

The Jewish Issue in Islamic Radicalism: Historicity,Impact and Evolutions

This article focuses on the long‐term ideological vision of Jews and Israel in radical Islam. By examining, on the one hand, the animosity towards Judeo‐Israelis in the spawning and bolstering of Islamist, Salafist and Jihadist movements, and on the other hand, the sociological composition of Jihadist elites related to the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, I show the centrality of the Judeophobic discourse in the world of radical Islam as well as the importance of Israel in its reinforcement. By trying to historicize this discourse, as well as political and strategic movements linked with the State of Israel, I also question the nature of the hostility towards Judaism, and more specifically the role of the Israeli issue in the development and evolution of the most radical and violent forms of Muslim identity over nearly a century.     

Rational praying: The economics of prayer

Prayer, both public and private, is prescribed by most religious traditions. Patterns of prayer are shown to conform to an economic theory of spiritual health. With regard to the frequency of prayer, wages are predicted to correlate negatively, education is predicted to correlate positively, environmental factors that are supportive of prayer are predicted to correlative positively, and the expected “price” for participation in religious activity (the tithe in Judaism and Christianity and the Zakat in Islam) is predicted to correlate negatively. Empirical tests find the predictions of the model are supported for females, but only partially supported for males.     

All Work and All Play: Using Games to Teach Religion and Media

To help students learn the concepts, personages, and events central to a course on religion and media, students were charged with designing a board game or a card game that employed this information. They drew from required books and documentaries, which the instructor chose for breadth and inclusiveness, focusing on both print and electronic media as well as on Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. The games were evaluated according to the appeal and educational value of the game design, the clarity and coherence of the written instructions, and the accuracy, significance, and comprehensiveness of the knowledge tested. The assignment helped maximize the time students spent thinking about key information in the course. It also provided the instructor with games that students in future classes can play to help them learn terms central to the study of media and religion.     

The Polls-Trends: Arab and Muslim Americans and Islam in the aftermath of 9/11

The terrorist attacks against the United States on September11, 2001, fueled widespread concern and speculation about mountingIslamophobic sentiment among Americans in response to the events.To monitor developments in opinions about Muslims and Arabs(both living in the United States and abroad) and attitudestoward the Islamic faith, survey organizations began to assessmore regularly Americans’ attitudes on these topics. Ianalyze developments in public sentiment about Arab and MuslimAmericans and Islam in the age of the war on terror using availablepublic opinion data. The data analyses in this study suggestthat Americans possess lingering resentment and reservationsabout Arab and Muslim Americans. The evidence also reveals lowlevels of awareness about basic elements of Islam but growinganxiety about Islam’s (especially Islamic fundamentalism’s)compatibility with Western values of tolerance, acceptance,and civility. Some of the sharpest movement in opinion dynamicswe observe is in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks,but opinion levels stabilize shortly thereafter. Monitoringthese developments as the war on terror continues is crucial.     

Undoing Islamophobia: Awareness of Orientalism in Social Work

Islamophobia describes the racism, exploitation, and violence experienced by Arabs, individuals of Arab descent, and Muslims. Although social workers are meant to challenge social injustice, social work codes of ethics and the literature are without guidance for unlearning Islamophobia. Arguing that one’s ability to interrupt Islamophobia is strengthened by an understanding of the historical record and theoretical tenets of Orientalism, we offer social workers explicit linkages between Orientalism and Islamophobia and engage with the idea of Islamo-racism. In this article, we attend to the ways in which Orientalism is used to “other” individuals while strengthening white hegemony, and we link those processes with Islamophobia and Islamo-racism. We conclude with some strategies derived from postcolonial theory to disrupt Islamophobia.