埃及公民社会伊斯兰化及政府对策

埃及公民社会的伊斯兰化发展比较迅速,这不仅体现在大量宗教公民社会①的建立,也体现在伊斯兰主义者向世俗公民社会的渗透上,穆斯林兄弟会在公民社会的诸多代表性组织中占据主导权。然而,埃及政府试图将公民社会纳入其预设的轨道之中,加强了对公民社会的管理和控制。于是,公民社会的伊斯兰化与公民社会对政府的依赖性处于一种张力之中,进而影响了埃及公民社会的发展趋势。     

爱资哈尔在当代埃及的政治参与及其特征和影响

爱资哈尔在历史上长期居于埃及国家政治生活中的重要位置,构建起伊斯兰最高权威和阿拉伯民族象征的双重身份。现代以来,爱资哈尔不断增强的国家认同决定了其以配合政治权威、服务国家利益为己任,日益趋向依附国家政权,经历了从支持阿拉伯社会主义到倾向政治伊斯兰主义,再到倡导伊斯兰中间主义的思想演变,逐渐形成了以爱资哈尔长老为核心的宗教学者参政主体,以伊斯兰教义原则为参政依据,以丰富的社会资源为参政基础,以维护国家统一、社会稳定和引领社会主流价值观为参政目的的独特政治参与方式。爱资哈尔积极参政辅政,致力于社会变革与文化建设,在协调政教关系、推动埃及社会发展、凝聚国家认同、促进社会公平、引领社会舆论、塑造社会主流价值、参与国家治理等诸多方面,发挥了独特且重要的作用,产生了广泛影响。     

埃及近代启蒙思想家塔哈塔维思想溯源

1789年法国入侵埃及,埃及的"被现代化"从此开始。1816年埃及官方首次向欧洲派出留学生,在行动上完成了从"被现代化"向"主动现代化"的转变。塔哈塔维是埃及首批赴法留学生的指导老师,后改变身份成为留学生,主攻法阿翻译。塔哈塔维在法国生活了五年,期间深受西方文化影响,并逐渐形成自己的政治观、社会观和教育观等。回国后他继续从事旨在介绍西方先进文化的翻译工作,成为埃及乃至整个阿拉伯—伊斯兰地区历史上翻译和介绍西方现代政治思想的第一人,其思想对伊斯兰现代主义的形成影响巨大,并成为伊斯兰现代文化启蒙的先驱者之一。     

埃及近代启蒙思想家塔哈塔维思想溯源

1789年法国入侵埃及,埃及的“被现代化”从此开始。1816年埃及官方首次向欧洲派出留学生,在行动上完成了从“被现代化”向“主动现代化”的转变。塔哈塔维是埃及首批赴法留学生的指导老师,后改变身份成为留学生,主攻法阿翻译。塔哈塔维在法国生活了五年,期间深受西方文化影响,并逐渐形成自己的政治观、社会观和教育观等。回国后他继续从事旨在介绍西方先进文化的翻译工作,成为埃及乃至整个阿拉伯一伊斯兰地区历史上翻译和介绍西方现代政治思想的第一人,其思想对伊斯兰现代主义的形成影响巨大,并成为伊斯兰现代文化启蒙的先驱者之一。     

埃及宪法的创设、沿革及其修订

1971年,埃及颁布永久宪法,该体制在30多年里一直保持着稳定状态。然而,自从美国以反恐的名义发动伊拉克和阿富汗战争并大力推行对中东伊斯兰国家的“民主改造”以来,埃及国内政治改革进程发生了复杂而微妙的改变;加之埃及近年来经济发展遭遇困难,贫困现象激增,社会动荡加剧,宗教势力崛起,民众要求进行政治和民主改革的呼声与日俱增。2005年5月和2007年3月,穆巴拉克总统直接主持两次重大的宪法修订活动,允许全民通过直接选举从多个候选人中选出总统,禁止以宗教名义建立政党和从事政治活动,将反对恐怖主义写入宪法,有力地推动了埃及政治改革的进程,加速了埃及社会改革的步伐,对埃及国内和周边地区产生了积极的影响。     

埃及新自由主义改革与政治剧变的关系探析

2011年埃及发生政治剧变,导致剧变的主要原因是政治威权与经济发展水平不相适应。新自由主义改革的实施导致埃及社会结构重组,由此产生了一系列改革的负面社会效应,包括民族工业破坏殆尽、经济寡头化、中产阶级破产、贫困率上升、裙带资本主义蔓延等,使得威权主义政权失去合法性,伊斯兰主义运动等反对派获得社会支持和社会动员能力。近年来,埃及政局虽逐渐恢复稳定,但高程度的政治威权与低水平的经济发展之间的矛盾却更加突出,进而使埃及仍存在陷入动荡的隐患。     

全球治理时代的埃及教俗关系

将宗教作为政治控制的基本工具是穆斯林国家政体的主要趋势。伊斯兰与世俗官方话语均旨在通过"宗教国有化"来主导社会。埃及代表了一种世俗与伊斯兰教义独特并存的混合模式,该模式代表了两者的适度调和,意在对社会进行完全控制,它将揭示出埃及作为一个由伊斯兰—世俗关系塑造的国家的混合制性质,该性质为国家身份构建出一个复杂的混合核心。对研究国家、世俗、宗教三者间关系的类型等方面至关重要,本文将通过五个部分对此进行研究:一是伊斯兰—世俗混合制的外在框架;二是穆斯林世界的宗教和世俗主义及其控制;三是埃及的国家和宗教的历史演变格局;四是作为伊斯兰—世俗行为体的埃及;五是埃及的国家和非国家宗教行为体。     

宪法公投对后穆巴拉克时代埃及社会政治的影响

穆巴拉克政权的倒台开启了埃及政治重建进程。2012年岁末围绕宪法公投的政治危机乃是"一·二五"革命后,埃及社会政治力量格局演进的逻辑结果。伊斯兰主义者、世俗自由派和军方是后穆巴拉克时代左右埃及社会进程的三大力量。宪法危机的实质是未来埃及社会政治走向的大博弈,其背后是埃及宗教与世俗力量的对决以及总统与司法部门的冲突。军方在埃及政治经济事务中的利益和影响盘根错节,其在平衡宗教、世俗两派中努力保持"局势仲裁者"角色。在相当程度上,这场宪法公投危机折射出埃及乃至整个中东变局曲折复杂的演进态势及其发展前景。穆尔西访华有助于推动中埃战略合作关系迈上新台阶。     

近代埃及伊斯兰教改良派代表人物——穆罕默德·阿卜杜

穆罕默德·阿卜杜是近代埃及伊斯兰教改良派代表人物,埃及维新学派的创始人。他一生致力于宗教、教育和社会政治的改良运动,在埃及和伊斯兰教国家中具有广泛而深远的影响。生平穆罕默德·阿卜杜1849年生于下埃及色乃拉村一个农民家庭,父亲是土库曼人,母亲     

论哈桑·班纳的政治伊斯兰思想

作为埃及穆斯林兄弟会的创始人,哈桑·班纳的思想和实践在当代政治伊斯兰运动中有着极为重要的影响。班纳的政治伊斯兰思想主要体现在:力图对伊斯兰作出整全性的解释,以此为创造伊斯兰秩序提供思想根据;提出了伊斯兰国家的政治纲领,反对穆斯林社会的西方化、世俗化倾向;力主自下而上的伊斯兰化,注重圣战在造就伊斯兰国家中的作用,并倡导世界范围的泛伊斯兰主义。本文通过对其思想的发掘和梳理以期更好认识当今政治伊斯兰运动的渊源和本质特征。     

Robert Nisbet and the Problem of Community

The article traces the importance and development of the concept of ‘community’ in Robert Nisbet’s sociological theory. Community and voluntary associations were key components of his view of civil society, because they stood between the individual and the state as bastions of personal liberty against authoritarianism. This idea was taken from Alexis de Tocqueville’s analysis of America democracy and developed by Nisbet as a critique of modern America. The article examines the conservative underpinnings of Nisbet’s sociology and compares his perspective on civil society with the idea of civil religion in J-J Rousseau and Robert Bellah. Nisbet’s perspective is criticised because not all voluntary associations have beneficial effects on civil society. The article considers how far his views on authority and community are still relevant and concludes by making a distinction between ‘sticky societies’ that are hard to join and difficult to leave and ‘elastic societies’ that are easy to join and cost-free to leave, and asks whether community is possible when the Internet has transformed sticky relationships into elastic, thin and dispersed relationships.     

“1·25革命”前后埃及政治转型比较

“1·25革命”后，埃及的政治转型一度为中东政治发展带来一丝曙光，但之后更剧烈的社会动荡又为民主转型带来了巨大的不确定性。事实上，在西方民主转型理论的诱导下，埃及的民主化走向误区具有必然性，西方民主转型理论注重即时性的结果，片面地将民主制度的建立及公民政治权利尤其是选举权的实现视作民主转型的终点，而忽视了民主的深刻内涵。民主某种程度上就是各种公民权利，包括基础权利、政治权利及社会权利，依次实现的漫长过程。三种权利互相支撑，构成三位一体的民主。穆巴拉克时代的民主转型缺乏基础权利和社会权利的支撑，最终导致民主的空心化。革命后的埃及尽管在民主制度建设上取得实质性进展，但公民权利的匮乏对民主的成熟构成严重制约，从选举到善治，埃及的民主转型任重而道远。     

Civil society as an anti-corruption actor in post-Euromaidan Ukraine

Of the instruments available in the anti-corruption arsenal of nations, civil society usually plays an ambivalent role. It may or may not be decisive in helping to counter corruption, depending on other circumstances, although in developed societies with a strong tradition of rule of law it can make a definite contribution. In post-communist Ukraine, where political leadership for reasons of self-interest has been reluctant to pursue anti-corruption policy effectively, and where agencies created specifically for the purpose have been compromised by political interference, infighting, and lack of co-ordination, the question urgently arises whether civil society could compensate for these shortcomings so as to make a significantly positive change. Is civil society Ukraine’s “last best hope” to control political corruption and salvage the legitimacy of the regime? For this to happen, according to the theory put forward by Marcia Grimes and applied here, press freedom, political party competition, and government transparency must all be at a high level. Without these critical sources of support Ukrainian civil society cannot be counted on to manage the struggle against corruption successfully alone. The findings can be applied to other post-communist states.     

埃及“7·3”事件后美国对埃援助政策研究

埃及被认为是美国在中东地区和阿拉伯世界最坚定的盟友。美国自1979年埃及与以色列签署和平协议以来,每年向埃及提供大量的军事与经济援助。2013年7月3日,埃及民选总统穆罕默德·穆尔西被埃及军队废黜。根据联邦法律,美国暂停对埃及的部分援助。本文从“7·3”事件后美国对埃及援助的变化及其特点、影响援助变化的主要原因进行分析,展现美国对埃及援助政策中的复杂利益和战略考量,根据对历史与现实的分析,预测美国今后对埃援助政策的走势。     

日本青少年蛰居的现状与对策

蛰居是日本较为严重的青少年问题和社会问题之一，是一种丧失社会行为、自我封闭的消极生活状态。目前，日本青少年蛰居的现状十分严峻，已出现了数十万规模的蛰居者。蛰居的表征相似，诱因和程度却千差万剐，且长期化和高龄化趋势日益增强。随着蛰居人数的增多、时间的延长及蛰居者年龄的增长，如何援助蛰居者，帮助其回归学校或社会，成为日本面临的重要课题之一。为此，日本政府、NPO法人等民间团体积极采取针对蛰居者及其家人的援助对策。     

埃及与穆斯林兄弟会

埃及穆斯林兄弟会在其80余年的发展历程中几经沉浮,现已成为当前埃及境内最有影响的政治力量,并将对后穆巴拉克时代埃及的政局走向、社会转型产生巨大影响.对穆斯林兄弟会的研究不能囿于惯性思维而将其视为“激进组织”,应以历史唯物主义的观点和方法,还原其历史真相,特别是要看到该组织在发展过程中曾经有过对自身“激进思想”的修正,从而对它有更加全面、公正的认识.     

Characterising civil society and its challenges in post-apartheid South Africa

Since South Africa’s transition to democracy, civil society has been considered a critical component of new inclusive “democratic” societies, acting to ensure human rights for all. Government and donor agencies require the incorporation of this sector within project documents and programmes. However, is civil society merely a loosely defined term used to satisfy the requirements of project proposals and interests of the state, donors and big business, while not directly addressing the concerns of citizens subjected to macroeconomic risks (e.g. industrial pollution, unemployment and service delivery)? Since the transition, it is mainly established civil society organisations that have become well resourced and who have developed collaborative relationships with the state and industry, which has eroded their accountability to and support from the marginalised communities they claim to serve. Can such organisations then claim to be part of an “authentic” civil society striving for inclusive development? By reviewing contemporary and historical literature on civil society, and through empirical work, this paper argues that there has been a shift in the conception of civil society since the transition, with established forms of support for the grassroots remaining doubtful. Civil society has not effectively engaged with the grassroots to project their concerns about macroeconomic risks, largely due to integration into government/donor institutions. Fragmentation within the grassroots arena has also limited coherent actions against dominant groups. Although civil society can support the grassroots to address their concerns through formal activities, for example, by employing legal strategies, there is no guarantee of success. Connections between an “authentic” civil society and coherent grassroots actions engaging in a combination of strategies (formal and informal) will be required to achieve true democracy.     

The Genesis and Proliferation of Civil Society in Democracy and Monarchy: A Historical Comparison of America and Prussia in the Nineteenth Century

The notion that civil society and democracy go hand in hand has been a cornerstone of modernization theory. The formation of civil society, so the argument went, contributed to the democratization of society and provided the backbone of democracy. If one follows such an interpretation of modernization and of modern society, monarchic systems should be void of civil society. And yet, the case of Germany shows that civil society developed and even flourished within a monarchic society. The Kingdom of Prussia in 1865 was the home to an extensive network of civil society organizations that included associations, endowments, and foundations. These organizations provided services in the fields of education, social welfare, and supported all kinds of cultural institutions. These organizations were essential for the functioning of Prussia’s public institutions. Donors who created these institutions had a voice in the shaping of monarchic society, and the visions of donors often coincided with the visions put forward by monarchical rulers. The number of Prussians involved in giving, the number of organizations created, and the amount of money given were truly astonishing. Between 2 and 3% of Prussia’s population was involved in civil society organizations. The funds provided by these organizations accounted for 20–30% of public-school funding. And the number of organizations created a tight network that spanned across the entire country. Nineteenth-century monarchic Prussia was not void of civil society as it should have been if American social scientists are correct. Instead, Prussia provided the home to a vibrant civil society. Civil society emerges when societies move from an agrarian and organized system of social hierarchies to an industrial, and traditional social hierarchies destroying system. The destruction of established social hierarchies, the creation and accumulation of wealth, and the emergence of social inequality provided powerful incentives for the formation of civil society. Since this economic modernization and transformation occurred not only within democratic societies such as the USA but also within monarchic societies such as Prussia, civil society developed in both types of political system

     

Rethinking resistance under authoritarianism: civil society and non-contentious forms of contestation in post-uprisings Egypt

ABSTRACT

In 2018 President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi secured a second presidential term in a constrained political environment exacerbated by his control over the media, prosecution of journalists and activists, and his crackdown on civil society. As a result of such resilient authoritarianism, the optimism that once defined the Egyptian uprisings has turned into cynicism. This article contributes to the literature surrounding civil society and resistance in authoritarian contexts by offering an examination of the interplay between authoritarian tendencies and their resistance in post-uprisings Egypt. I argue that we should view al-Sisi’s regime as representing an authoritarian system that is not absolute, despite its soft and hard repressive methods, but one that still offers limited space for civil society organizations (CSOs) to function. This limited space importantly comprises covert resistance methods which can offer Egyptian CSOs opportunities to resist the state’s legal and extra-legal restrictions. The resistance methods considered in this article need to be understood in Gramscian terms as they encompass the limited means available by which CSOs can negotiate the terrain of hegemonic contestation under the existing authoritarian context. Given al-Sisi’s re-election and the sustained crackdown on Egyptian civil society, the need to analyse such forms of resistance is pertinent.     

浅谈约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府的关系

长期以来,约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府保持着良好的合作关系。穆斯林兄弟会不仅未受政府的压制,反而处于上升的态势。这有别于埃及和其他国家穆斯林兄弟会与政府之间纷繁多变的关系,这种合作关系在整个中东地区的伊斯兰运动中都是罕见的。鉴于此,本文拟就约旦穆兄会与政府的关系作一论述。