Living in the city: school friendships,diversity and the middle classes

Much of the literature on the urban middle classes describes processes of both affiliation (often to the localities) and disaffiliation (often from some of the non‐middle‐class residents). In this paper, we consider this situation from a different position, drawing on research exploring whether and how children and adults living in diverse localities develop friendships with those different to themselves in terms of social class and ethnicity. This paper focuses on the interviews with the ethnically diverse, but predominantly white British, middle‐class parent participants, considering their attitudes towards social and cultural difference. We emphasize the importance of highlighting inequalities that arise from social class and its intersection with ethnicity in analyses of complex urban populations. The paper's contribution is, first, to examine processes of clustering amongst the white British middle‐class parents, particularly in relation to social class. Second, we contrast this process, and its moments of reflection and unease, with the more deliberate and purposeful efforts of one middle‐class, Bangladeshi‐origin mother who engages in active labour to facilitate relationships across social and ethnic difference.     

Racial and ethnic differences in patterns of adolescent tobacco users: A latent class analysis

BackgroundLittle is known about how tobacco use varies among youth of different racial and ethnic groups and how these patterns are related to levels of nicotine dependence.ObjectivesThis study investigated the tobacco use patterns of White, African American, and Hispanic high school students. We further explored whether tobacco use patterns were associated with levels of nicotine dependence and gender.MethodsData were analyzed from the 2014 National Youth Tobacco Survey (NYTS) of high school students who endorsed at least one form of tobacco use in their lifetime (n = 4691). Three separate latent class analysis (LCA) models were estimated using seven different types of tobacco products as indicators. Also, the level of nicotine dependence was compared with one class to another class in three racial/ethnicity groups.ResultsFour classes of White youth were identified: (1) “Non-user” (67%), (2) “Polytobacco” (6%), (3) “Chewing Tobacco” (8%), and (4) “(E-)Cigarettes” (19%) classes. The “Polytobacco” class had the highest nicotine dependence followed by “Chewing Tobacco,” “(E-)cigarettes,” and “Non-user.” Among African American youth, two tobacco patterns were identified: “Non-user” (91%) and “Cigarette/Cigar” (9%). The “Cigarette/Cigar” class had greater nicotine dependence than the “Non-user” class. Among Hispanic youth, three subgroups were identified: “Non-user” (78%), “(E-)Cigarette/Cigar” (14%), and “Hookah” (18%). “(E)Cigarette/cigar” had the highest nicotine dependence in Hispanic youth followed by the “Hookah” and “Non-users” classes.ConclusionWe found distinct classes of youth tobacco use by race/ethnicity. Although poly-tobacco use was common, White, African American, and Latino youth used different tobacco types, suggesting that racially and ethnically targeted prevention strategies may be indicated.     

Capacity and Solidarity: Foundational Elements in the Unionization Strategy for Immigrant Day Labourers

Recent scholarship has been reasonably optimistic about unionization as a mechanism of labour justice for immigrant workers in casual and contingent work. This optimism rests on two assumptions: (1) that unions have the capacity to absorb immigrant workers in nonstandard work and (2) that casual, immigrant labourers enjoy the kind of solidarity that underpins collective action. This paper examines these assumptions critically through a case study of construction unions and Latino immigrant day labourers in Denver, Colorado and Baltimore, Maryland. I use participant observation and in‐depth interviews with nine labour unions, 19 Latino immigrant day labourers, and two (non‐union) day labour organizing projects in the cities to examine questions of capacity and solidarity. I find that the existing foundations for unionizing day labourers may be weak in certain cities and communities. Union capacity is undermined by structural fragmentation and specialization in market segments that are inaccessible to day labourers. Strategically, in an age of de‐unionization, unions also face pressures to “add value” for employers by sorting the workforce into high quality and low quality categories. Locals indicate day labourers would likely fall into the latter category, thus precluding membership. The foundations for solidarity are similarly weakened in the cases studied. Culturally, day labourers in Denver and Baltimore emphasize self‐reliance and material well‐being over collective action and the pursuit of justice. To work toward unionization, organizers should be prepared to confront deficits of capacity and solidarity in other cities as well, especially those where homelessness is prevalent among day labourers, where immigrant populations are newly arrived, or where local union cultures are unreformed. I suggest that union collaboration, a cooperative type of occupational unionism, and commitments to training day labourers may help boost union capacity to absorb day labourers, while the creative use of material incentives should figure prominently in organizing strategies.     

The Mafeje and the UCT saga: unfinished business?

This article focuses on the thorny and vexed relationship between Archie Mafeje, a black South African scholar and the University of Cape Town. Mafeje was appointed on merit in 1968 as Senior Lecturer in Social Anthropology at the University of Cape Town. His appointment was rescinded by the University Council acting under pressure from the apartheid state. With the imminent demise of apartheid, Mafeje re-applied in the early 1990s for a position at the University of Cape Town in the early 1990s. His application was turned down. This piece offers a detailed reading and analysis of what became known as the “Mafeje affair” and raises issues about the meaning of transformation at the University of Cape Town.     

Interpretative Freedom and New Combination: The Way in Which the “Middle Class” Has Been Narrated

The English words “middle class” have experienced much more connotations and denotations—typically “bourgeoisie,” “white‐collar,” and professional—than any other class‐referring word since the latter half of the 18th century. On the one hand, in response to such diverse narrations during about two and a half centuries, I partially agree with some of the nominalistic theories of class, in that the middle classes were not created until they were named by contemporaries. On the other hand, my view diverges from those theories, in my asserting that the contemporaries have had an interpretative freedom to recognize “middle classes” only within the bounds of plausibility on the side of the realistic social world. The typical middle class in each period has emerged in such a way that Schumpeter's new combination is performed in a stage of recession by new entrepreneurs, who will move into the “middle” strata and hold some cultural leadership but still obtain inconsistent statuses, to be recognized as “middle class”ex post facto in a boom time. Two Kondratieff's cycles have had one recognition of the typical “middle class.” The new combination is one of the pressures bringing middle classes into a modern society, contrary to the so‐called class decomposition into the two poles.     

Class and ethnic differences in Canadians' attitudes to native people's rights and immigration

A l'aide de données tirées d'entrevues traitant des attitudes envers l'immigration et des droits des aborigènes dans le cadre de l'étude sur la qualité de la vie (1977), cette note essaye d'expliquer certains aspects de la dialectique de la classe sociale et de l'ethnicité au Canada. On constate ensuite la mesure dans laquelle ces attitudes diffèrent, selon la classe et l'ethnicité, dans la direction de l'éducation. Les résultats, tels que l'opposition considérable de la classe ouvriére à l'immigration et le sérieux antagonisme ethnique à l'intérieur de certain groupes ethniques de même que de certaines classes, sont dévoilés à travers des réalités telles que la division du marché du travail du point de vue ethnique, le rôle des entremetteurs ethniques et la promotion de la conscience ethnique pour étouffer la conscience de classe. Employing interview data regarding attitudes to immigration and native people's rights from the Quality of Life Survey (1977), I attempt to illuminate aspects of the dialectic of social class and ethnicity in Canada. The proportion of variance in these attitudes explicable by class and ethnicity, controlling for education, are then ascertained. Findings such as the substantial working class opposition to immigration and serious ethnic antagonism within some ethnic groups and classes are understood in the light of such things as the ethnically split labour market, the functions of ethnic antagonism within some ethnic groups and classes are understood in the light of such things as the ethnically split labour market, the functions of ethnic middlemen and the promotion of ethnic consciousness to drown class consciousness.     

Skilling and deskilling: technological change in classical economic theory and its empirical evidence

This article reviews and brings together two literatures: classical political economists’ views on the skilling or deskilling nature of technological change in England, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries when they wrote, are compared with the empirical evidence about the skill effects of technological change that emerges from studies of economic historians. In both literatures, we look at both the skill impacts of technological change and at the “inducement mechanisms” that are envisaged for the introduction of new technologies. Adam Smith and Karl Marx both regarded the deskilling of the labour force as the predominant form of biased technical change, but other authors such as Charles Babbage also took account of capital-skill complementarities and skill-enhancing effects of technological change. For Smith, the deskilling bias was an unintended by-product of the increasing division of labour, which in his view “naturally” led to ever more simplification of workers’ tasks. As opposed to Smith, Marx considered unskilled-biased technical change as a bourgeois weapon in the class struggle for impairing the workers’ bargaining position. Studies of economic historians lend support to Marx’s hypothesis about the inducement mechanisms for the introduction of unskilled-biased innovations, but have produced no clear-cut empirical evidence for a deskilling tendency of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century technological change as a whole. Industrialization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries rather led to labour polarization, by simultaneously deskilling a large part of the workforce and raising the demand for some (but fewer) high-skilled workers.     

Religious Dynamics and Marital Dissolution: A Latent Class Approach

Past research on religious homogamy has struggled to distinguish whether religiosity or homogamy has a stronger impact on preventing a marital dissolution. To rectify this problem, I use a latent class approach to compare couples with various forms of partner religiosity and similarity. Based on 707 newlywed couples from the Marriage Matters survey (1998–2004), I discovered four latent classes: “holy” couples (both partners are highly religious), “nonattending” couples (both partners identify as religious but don’t regularly attend services), “unbalanced” couples (the wife is religious but the husband is not), and “secular” couples (both partners are not religious). Findings indicate that holy, nonattending, and unbalanced couples experience less odds of divorce compared with secular couples, suggesting that religiosity in a variety of forms is more important than partner similarity in avoiding divorce.     

‘Survival Employment’: Gender and Deskilling among African Immigrants in Canada

Recent research points to a growing gap between immigrant and native‐born outcomes in the Canadian labour market at the same time as selection processes emphasize recruiting highly educated newcomers. Drawing on interviews with well‐educated men and women who migrated from countries in sub‐Saharan Africa, this paper explores the gendered processes that produce weak economic integration in Canada. Three‐quarters of research participants experienced downward occupational mobility, with the majority employed in low‐skilled, low‐wage, insecure forms of “survival employment”. In a gendered labour market, where common demands for “Canadian experience”, “Canadian credentials” and “Canadian accents” were uneven across different sectors of the labour market, women faced particular difficulties finding “survival employment”; in the long run, however, women’s greater investment in additional post‐secondary education within Canada placed them in a somewhat better position than men. The policy implications of this study are fourfold: first, we raise questions about the efficacy of Canadian immigration policies that prioritize the recruitment of well‐educated immigrants without addressing the multiple barriers that result in deskillling; second, we question government policies and settlement practices that undermine more equitable economic integration of immigrants; third, we address the importance of tackling the “everyday racism” that immigrants experience in the Canadian labour market; and finally, we suggest the need to re‐think narrowly defined notions of economic integration in light of the gendered nature of contemporary labour markets, and immigrants’ own definitions of what constitutes meaningful integration.     

Decoding Worker “Reliability”: Modern Agrarian Values and Immigrant Labor on New York Dairy Farms

This article examines the reasons offered by New York dairy farmers for hiring undocumented immigrant workers in their milking parlors, and connects those discourses to broader economic and cultural change in U.S. agrarian society. Based on interviews with 25 dairy farmers on 22 farms, this article examines farmers’ assessments of the Amish, white non‐Amish, Puerto Rican, and undocumented Latino labor pool. The analysis shows that farmers consider undocumented immigrants the most “reliable” workforce, and that their reliability stems from their deportability and from their separation from their families, which drives them to work long hours. I argue that farmer discourses about immigrant “reliability” must be understood in the context of economic pressure to adopt a more commercial orientation to dairying, and of modern agrarian values that prize urban middle‐class lifestyles. Ultimately, worker “reliability” is a euphemism for the transnational separation of workers from their families, and one that is operationalized by farmers to justify the pursuit of economic success and more leisure time off the farm.     

N2: reading,writing, walking the South African highway

This piece is drawn from a larger project that asks what it might mean to write a cultural history or “biography” of the longest highway in South Africa, the N2. Influenced by literature on the everyday, on infrastructures and the “infra-ordinary,” my approach pays attention to the highway as a material artefact. Who builds, maintains and manages it; who makes their life along it; what subcultures, lexicons and social behaviours can be read off it? Exploring the possibilities of creative non-fiction within the environmental humanities, the piece here unfolds as an exercise in psychogeography, or a deconstructed travelogue. While much travel writing about modern Cape Town describes a (motorised) journey from airport to city, here I reverse the gaze and proceed on foot from town to the airport along the hard shoulder of the N2. In doing so I try to understand the vexed relations between drivers and pedestrians in a divided city, and to conduct an “anthropology of the near” on the road reserve: perhaps the most visible but least contemplated part of the modern urban landscape.     

Racism without Races: Reflections on Racialization and Racial Projects

‘The metaphor of race is a dangerous weapon whether it is used for asserting white supremacy or for making demands on behalf of the disadvantaged groups...Treating caste as a form of race is politically mischievous; what is worse, it is scientifically nonsensical’. Andre Beteille (2004: 52) ‘…what is in fact “scientifically nonsensical” is Professor Beteille’s misunderstanding of “race”. What is mischievous is his insistence that India’s system of ascribed system of social inequality should be exempted from the provisions of a UN Convention whose sole purpose is the extension of human rights to include freedom from all forms of discrimination and intolerance – and to which India, along with most other nations, has committed itself” Gerald Berreman (cited in Thorat and Umakant 2004: xxv ) ‘The possibility that the current Indian Hindu-Muslim or upper versus lower-caste conflict may be, in a significant sense, a variant of a modern problem of “ethnicity” or “race” is seldom entertained…”racism” is thought of as something the white people do to us. What Indians do to one another are variously described as “communalism”, “regionalism” and “casteism” but never “racism”’. Dipesh Chakrabarty (1994: 145)     

Exploring Perceptions of the Food Environment Amongst Congolese,Somalis and Zimbabweans Living in Cape Town

In low and middle‐income countries, the nutrition transition to highly processed, high‐sugar diets has been extraordinarily rapid. Yet in these same settings, obesity and hunger are often experienced within a single household. As part of a broader study of cross‐border migrants’ experiences of maternal and infant nutrition in Cape Town, in this article I explore the individual and collective meanings associated with foods in a specific migrant context, as well as their connections to changing food environments in Cape Town, South Africa. While there was relative silence over food scarcity, the food environment seemed to present constraints to dietary diversity. The migrants’ views and experiences suggest the relevance of improving the accessibility and affordability of already desirable, nutrient dense foods.     

Crafting the Neoliberal State: Workfare,Prisonfare, and Social Insecurity1

In Punishing the Poor, I show that the ascent of the penal state in the United States and other advanced societies over the past quarter‐century is a response to rising social insecurity, not criminal insecurity; that changes in welfare and justice policies are interlinked, as restrictive “workfare” and expansive “prisonfare” are coupled into a single organizational contraption to discipline the precarious fractions of the postindustrial working class; and that a diligent carceral system is not a deviation from, but a constituent component of, the neoliberal Leviathan. In this article, I draw out the theoretical implications of this diagnosis of the emerging government of social insecurity. I deploy Bourdieu’s concept of “bureaucratic field” to revise Piven and Cloward’s classic thesis on the regulation of poverty via public assistance, and contrast the model of penalization as technique for the management of urban marginality to Michel Foucault’s vision of the “disciplinary society,” David Garland’s account of the “culture of control,” and David Harvey’s characterization of neoliberal politics. Against the thin economic conception of neoliberalism as market rule, I propose a thick sociological specification entailing supervisory workfare, a proactive penal state, and the cultural trope of “individual responsibility.” This suggests that we must theorize the prison not as a technical implement for law enforcement, but as a core political capacity whose selective and aggressive deployment in the lower regions of social space violates the ideals of democratic citizenship.     

Labour Force Participation among MENA Women in the United States: Exploring the Role of Ethnically Homogamous Relationships

This study uncovers variations in female labour force participation (FLFP) among women in the US originating from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), with a focus on differences by nativity status, and investigates the role of ethnically homogamous relationships in explaining these variations. Lower levels of US labour force participation among women from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is puzzling, given that these women have higher educational attainments than most women in the US. Recent work has suggested that looking more closely at the influence of homogamy on immigrant women’s economic activity may help to explain this puzzle. Drawing from prior research on FLFP and immigrant integration, we hypothesized that foreign-born women from MENA will report lower labour force participation rates relative to their US-born counterparts, and ethnically homogamous marriage will explain differences in FLFP across nativity status. Data come from the Public Use Microdata Samples (PUMS) from 2012–2016 American Community Surveys (ACS). The analytic sample consists of 33,133 women in the United states of MENA origin who are in the prime working ages of 25 to 59. As hypothesized, we found that foreign-born MENA women reported significantly lower labour force participation rates than their US-born counterparts. We also found that after controlling for all relevant characteristics, MENA women (both US-born and foreign-born) with MENA husbands remained dramatically less likely to be in the labour force than women with non-MENA husbands. Our findings suggest the disadvantage in FLFP experienced by foreign-born MENA women is due mostly to high rates of ethnically homogamous relationships among this population relative to their US-born counterparts. Thus, our study highlights ethnic homogamy as a structural-cultural barrier for MENA women’s labour force activity in the US and suggests that empirical research on FLFP and immigrant integration should consider partner characteristics as a key determinant of women’s labour force participation.     

Negotiating race and place in the Garifuna Diaspora: Identity formation and transnational grassroots politics in New York City and Honduras

This paper is an exploration of the relations between the politics of identity and the socio‐economic and political processes of the current era of globalization. Using ethnographic material from the transnational grassroots organizations of the Garinagu—an Afro‐Indigenous population living in transnational communities between Central America and the US—I show the multiple ways that they articulate their identity between and among the tropes of “autocthony,” “blackness,” “Hispanic,” “diaspora,” and “nation.” This construction and negotiation of identity is intimately connected to the negotiation of rights vis‐à‐vis nation‐states and international political bodies, where ideologies of race, ethnicity, nation, and citizenship carry with them different implications for rights and belonging. I argue that the complexities of this case point to the uneven processes of globalization, within which the power to define the ideological terrain of economic and political struggles is still profoundly unequal.     

Rehabilitation Through Work? Disability and the Productivist Road to Participation in the East of Germany1

Abstract Drawing on secondary data and interviews, this paper traces the economic and socio‐cultural roots of contemporary policies to promote full participation of people with disabilities in mainstream German society. Underlying such policies and related practices has been a concept of rehabilitation through work that evolved within a context of labour shortages, Protestant work ethics, and German welfarism at the beginning of the 20^th century and that has yielded rather ambiguous consequences. I argue this elective affinity among economic, cultural, and socio‐political imperatives has undermined potentials for integration and self‐actualization of people with disabilities. Not only was rehabilitation subordinated to a productivist logic and provoked forms of ill‐paid or even forced labour; rehabilitation policies and measures have also been part of a system of social governance that effectively helped to segregate the “able” from the “unable” and that promulgated an ethos of productivism. Significantly, this essentially utilitarian ethos – which rendered health and rehabilitation into a social obligation and valued each wo/man according to his/her fitness and motivation to contribute to socio‐economic development – evolved within capitalism but was equally pronounced in East Germany under state‐socialist rule. Contrary to the egalitarian principles of both “socialist humanism” and “Western enlightenment”, policies and practices trans‐societally focussed on the promotion of those who could – potentially at least – contribute to the regime of industrial production. As the example of East Germany demonstrates, social participation through paid work remains incomplete, at best, and provokes further segregation – even in times of severe labour shortages. The paper concludes that notwithstanding contemporary rhetoric, rehabilitation through work has remained a central pillar of contemporary welfare policies. In times of unbroken structural unemployment, the productivist paradigm and ensuing policies have become increasingly problematic – not only for the inclusion of people with disabilities. Experiences with the productivist modes of participation and with rehabilitation in East Germany suggest a post‐productivist paradigm of inclusion that seeks participation beyond paid work.     

Afrikaans,Inc.: the Afrikaans culture industry after apartheid

Following apartheid’s demise, the Afrikaans language was forced to part with the privileged position it once held under the National Party’s guardianship and has, subsequently, contracted in a number of its functions. Despite growing concerns about the language’s “endangered” status, Afrikaans has proven its vitality in multiple market-driven domains. In this paper, I trace the expansion of the Afrikaans culture industry after apartheid. I argue that this process was fomented, at least in part, by paranoia about Afrikaans’s “fading position.” Because Afrikaners still command a vast material and cultural capital, they have been the prime producers, sellers and buyers of Afrikaans language media and cultural commodities. Thus, together with the growth of the Afrikaans culture industry, an array of physical, digital and psychological spaces has opened up where white Afrikaans speakers can be a majority. I argue that the expansion of these spaces has laid the foundation for the formation of new Afrikaner subjectivities and enclaved identities, and contributed to the production and strengthening of separatist tendencies amongst certain Afrikaners. Instead of being an emancipatory force, facilitating Afrikaans speakers’ forceful integration into a new South Africa and “rainbow nation,” it has succeeded in reaffirming and naturalising the imagined boundaries of Afrikanerdom.     

Suburban ethnicities: Home as the site of interethnic conviviality and racism

This article explores the ways in which the white working-class residents of a suburban English town reflect on their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbors. Its focus is on how everyday constructions of home become sites for the intermingling of discourses of intercultural conviviality and racism. My contention is that the idea of home has not yet been given the detailed critical attention that it deserves in the sociological literature on everyday manifestations of multiculturalism, conviviality, and racism. My supposition is that a special focus on the idea of home as the site of conviviality offers a productive avenue to analyze how intercultural relationships are formed and how the norms of neighborliness are thought to break down, opening a space for commonplace racialized and racist stereotypes to take hold. The idea of home is central to the rhythm and landscape of the English suburbs. It conjures up the idea of a uniform and aspirational white space. Drawing on this imaginary of home, I shall trace how “white working class” “English,” “Scottish,” and “Anglo-Italian” residents’ everyday constructions of home become embroiled with their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbors.     

Renegotiating religious transnationalism: fractures in transnational Chinese evangelicalism

In this article, I question to what extent future generations of immigrants will engage in practices of religious transnationalism through their ethnic institutions. I examine how leaders of the next generation of English‐speaking Chinese Canadian evangelicals made sense of their participation in the Chinese Coordination Centre of World Evangelism, a movement that rallies behind both a pan‐Chinese identity and the belief that the Chinese have a special role in evangelizing the world. I argue that the call to religious mobilization grounded in Chinese ethnicity stands on tenuous ground and propose that linguistic, geographical, generational and ideological fractures may diminish the participation of future generations of the Chinese diaspora in ethnically‐based transnational religious organizations. I conclude that these developments would push ‘negotiated transnational religious networks’ into a state of ‘renegotiation'.