The Micro-Formation Mechanism of Trade Conflicts between Large Developing Countries： India＇s Anti-dumping Action against China

以Grossman和Helpman的“保护待售”模型为理论基础,使用1999-2009年案件层面的数据,定量分析印度对华反倾销税裁定的影响因素,揭示中印经济冲突的微观形成机制,可以发现：印度反倾销申诉者的政治势力会显著提高最终裁定的税率水平,进151渗透率同税率之间的关系则取决于申诉者在政治上是否有组织;反倾销税率同印度对华贸易逆差之间呈显著的正相关关系。这意味着,印度当局裁定反倾销税率时,明显受国内利益集团政治势力的影响,同时也有打压中国、谋求在龙象之争中获取优势的动机。     

The Political Impetus behind the Construction of Anti-corruption Institutions in Developing Countries: An Analysis of the Process Leading up to India’s Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act (LALA)*

Existing anti-corruption theories adopt “state-centric,” “market-centric” or “governance/ good governance” approaches as their dominant research direction. These theories are grounded in Western systems of liberty and democracy and their analysis is couched in terms of the logic of the division between public and private, which makes it difficult for their proponents to gain an insight into the unique experience of developing countries. The process behind India’s Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act (LALA), starting from 2010, shows that developing countries may have another anti-corruption route: a composite tripartite anti-corruption model. In this model, the government, the elite and the mass of the people constitute the three main players in the anti-corruption drive. The three forms a complex multi-faceted relationship premised on compliance with bottom-line standards and the use of positive interaction in a dynamic balance that advances the construction of anti-corruption institutions. Summing up the experience and synthesizing the theory of this model will not only help us explore a new anti-corruption approach but will also stimulate our thinking about the unique state-society relationships of developing countries and the political impetus underlying their institutional construction.     

Professional Communities: The Foundation of Social Integrationin Today’s China

When the great sociologist Emile Durkheim analyzed the transformation of European society, he held that constant economic growth would lead to     

China’s System of Anti-corruption Charges: The Tightening-up Process and Future Development

伴随着中国的改革开放, 中国反腐败的罪名体系走过了一条逐步精致化、细腻化 的发展历程, 完成了多次细化和全面转型,形成了严密的反腐败刑事法网和二元制罪 名体系。二元制的反腐败罪名体系在过去30年间贡献卓著,它不仅是法律逻辑自然演 进的结果,背后也承载着复杂的社会变革因素,更体现了立法者试图在制度层面遏制 腐败的主观期待。伴随着中国改革开放力度和范围的加大,中国反腐败罪名体系的未 来走向,必然是坚决废弃二元制罪名体系和彻底恢复一元制罪名体系。

关键词: 反腐败 罪名体系 改革开放 立法模式 职务犯罪

In step with reform and opening up, the Chinese system of anti-corruption charges has been progressively refined and elaborated. Its successive refinements and comprehensive transformation have resulted in a tight-knit network of anti-corruption criminal law and a dual system of charges. This system has made a remarkable contribution to combating corruption over the last three decades. More than the outcome of the natural evolution of legal logic, it also involves complex considerations of social transformation and reflects lawmakers’ expectations of being able to prevent corruption at the institutional level. With the deepening and widening of reform and opening up, China’s system of anti-corruption charges will inevitably develop towards the thorough abolition of the dual system of charges and the complete restoration of the unitary system.     

The economic effects of carbon tax on China’s provinces

The responsibility for carbon emissions tends to be different under different emission accounting principles. By applying the latest 2012 Chinese multi-regional input–output table, this study evaluated the impacts of carbon tax on tax burdens and sectoral competitiveness in Chinese provinces when considering either production-based or consumption-based emissions. Our results indicated that, in the scenario of cutting production tax for carbon tax, the developed provinces, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu, who are much bigger payers of production tax, are net beneficiaries of carbon tax. In contrast, recycling the tax revenues to low-income households makes the less-developed provinces in the central and western China become net revenue receivers. Furthermore, for competitiveness effects, the emission intensive sectors, such as Electricity and hot water production and supply, Petroleum and gas, and Metal products, are impacted vitally under both accounting principles in all provinces. Nevertheless, compared with the production-based principle, a consumption-based carbon tax could reduce the unfavorable competitiveness effects of most affected sectors in the less-developed provinces, while slightly increasing those effects in the developed provinces. Our results provide new information on the regional impacts of carbon tax based two different accounting principles with different tax revenue recycling scenarios.     

The impact of globalization and financial development on India’s income inequality

This paper empirically examines the combined effects of globalization and financial development on income inequality in a unified framework for an emerging economy. Using annual data for the Indian economy over the period 1980–2014, we show that the perceived benefits of globalization and financial development have not trickled down; rather, has aggravated income inequality. Our results also indicate that while inflation aggravates income inequality, education seems to alleviate the differential effect. Proactive measures in providing access to financial services, creating equitable employment opportunities, and improving the quality of education are required to offset the negative impacts of globalization and financial development on income disparity.     

The impact of de-globalization on China’s economic transformation: Evidence from manufacturing export

The economic transformation is an important policy practice of economic development in China. In the context of “deglobalization”, it is critically important to better understand the impacts of increasing trade costs on China’s economic transformation from the perspective of firms’ exports. In this study, we measure the trade costs of specific manufacturing sectors and provinces. We employ Heckman (1979) two-stage method and the data from China’s manufacturing firms to investigate the impacts of trade costs on heterogeneous firms’ exports. Based on these results, we further explore the impacts of trade costs on China’s economic transformation and discuss policy advisories. Our results indicate that the increase in trade costs have adverse impacts on China’s economic transformation. Specifically, increasing trade costs hinder firms’ export behaviors and export scales. However, these impacts are heterogeneous on different types of firms, which refers to the ownership reforms, manufacturing sector upgrades and coordinated regional development. In particular, increasing trade costs do not affect coordinated regional development in China, but they are not conducive to ownership reforms and manufacturing sector upgrades. Altogether, our findings provide the first evidence on the impacts of trade costs on China’s economic transformation from the perspective of firms’ exports, and also shed light on policy implications for promoting firms’ exports and economic transformation in the “deglobalization” period.     

The impact of India’s food security policy on domestic and international rice market

Food security policy making in India is at crossroads. India has emerged as a leading rice exporter. The Government of India has introduced the National Food Security Act which requires 33.6 million tons of rice per year for its public food distribution system. In this study, we modeled India’s rice market and analyzed policy implications of the long-term impact of India’s food security act on domestic and international rice market. We developed a structural economic demand and supply model for India’s rice market and further added subsidy equations to trace the consequence of National Food Security Act on domestic rice consumption and on the international market. We specifically focus on three different scenarios: subsidy as price effect, subsidy as inelastic income effect, and subsidy as elastic income effect under the broader framework of National Food Security Act. We found that at the end of the projection period (2024–2025), as a result of rice subsidy program, the consumption of rice increases significantly in the case of price effect while the inelastic income effect has no or less impact on production, consumption, and export of rice. Hence, the policy implication of our study is that if the objective of the National Food Security Act is to increase consumption then it needs to be implemented as price effect.     

The Selection of China’s Industrialization Path: Analysis of Different Economic Growth Models from an Economic Perspective

Analysis of different growth models from an economic perspective Modern economics divides the develop- ment of the first countries to industrialize (Britain, the US, Japan etc) into four stages: the pre-take-off stage; the early stage of economic growth from the first industrial revolution in the latter part of the 19th century up to the period before the second industrial revolution; the stage of modern economic growth following the second industrial revolution;     

Re-accumulation of Resources:The Back-ground of Social Stratiflcation in China in the 1990s

本文认为,中国的贫富差距在短时间内迅速扩大,一个基本的背景,就是资源分配从80年代的扩散趋势到90年代重新积聚趋势的逆转。作者指出,与改革初期资源扩散相伴随的“平等化效应”,使社会中的弱势群体和边缘群体首先受益;而90年代财富重新向少数人或群体积聚,则导致了新的社会不平等。文章还讨论了造成这种状况的原因,并提出了遏制贫富差距扩大的对策建议。     

The senator’s tale: the development of Bremen’s bourgeoisie in the post-1945 era

Were members of the German bourgeoisie capable of forming the foundation for a new self-understanding of post-1945German society? Or did they prove to be unsuited as agents of Germany’s new beginning? This article seeks to answer these questions by focusing on historical developments in the early phase of the Federal Republic of Germany as reflected in the biography of one prominent representative of the German bourgeoisie. Theodor Spitta, who was born in 1873, was elected in 1911as a senator for life in the government of the Free Hanse City of Bremen. Spitta was an outstanding representative of a generation socialized under the last German Kaiser, a generation which perceived itself as part of a politically liberal Bremen bourgeoisie. He feared the gradual decline, indeed the disintegration of his class. None the less – or perhaps for that very reason – he committed himself to the goal of restoring a regionally specific form of bourgeois life in the city of Bremen. Although Spitta declared a ‘farewell to the bourgeoisie’ in his autobiographical texts, that did not prevent him from actively pursuing the revival of a unique urban-bourgeois ‘spirit’. This spirit was to serve as a tool in promoting Bremen’s central political goal in post-1945Germany: the preservation of the city-state’s unique status within Germany’s federal system.     

The Hidden Logic of Japan’s Foreign Wars: 1592-1945

From 1592 to 1945, Japan conducted a series of military incursions in East Asia, including the invasion of Korea of 1592-1598, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 and the Japanese War of Aggression against China of the 1930s-1940s. The tone of this series of aggressive actions was set by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, was continued in the Meiji Restoration and magnified in the Showa era, crystallizing into a pervading pattern of thought and action hiding behind the facts. Those post-World War II views that propose to cut the connections among these wars launched by Japan do not conform to the way Japanese said and behaved in the past but merely endorse some contemporary Japanese academic opinions. Therefore, exploring the facts and hidden logic linking these wars and restoring the original attributes of each regional war may be of benefit to fundamental studies and realistic concerns about Eastern Asian issues.     

Ideology and America’s China Policy at the Time of the Founding of New China: A Reexamination of Acheson and the Question of Recognition

杜鲁门政府未能承认新中国的根本原因并非是国会和舆论的压力,而在于那个时期由反共主义和中美关系神话构成的独特的对华意识形态。正是这一意识形态使杜鲁门政府无论在信仰上还是在情感上都无法接受新中国,对新中国表现出异乎寻常的愤怒和远远超出其他国家的敌意。艾奇逊在这种意识形态的影响下,根本没有考虑承认新中国,他并非过去学者所认为的灵活的现实主义者,所谓的“失去的机会”说是建立在错误的前提和错误的逻辑之上的。     

International Law as the Law of Domestic Governance: China’s Propositions and Institutional Practice

Like domestic law, international law can be used in domestic governance, where it can become an important instrument assisting China’s Party and government to rule the country and manage state affairs. Incorporating part of international law into domestic law and comprehensively advancing the rule of law in accord with the principle of national sovereignty demonstrate the openness and international vision of China’s rule of law construction. Translating these propositions into concrete institutional practice will be of vital significance for improving the socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, advancing the international rule of law and promoting world peace.     

The impact of population aging in rich countries: What’s the future?

The paper examines the impact of population ageing on macroeconomic outcomes, inflation and labour force participation employing a sample of 23 OECD developed countries from 1960 to 2014 and accounting for the institutional context. Controlling for collective bargaining coordination the results show that a larger elderly share of population would lead to lower real GDP growth, albeit mostly in countries with low population growth rates. Ageing puts substantial downward pressure on inflation due to subdued aggregate demand. Also, results demonstrate that the ageing of the workforce tends to reduce labour supply. To mitigate any adverse effects of population ageing, a combination of labour market policies, pension reforms, greater investment in human capital and technological innovation should be prioritized in policy making.     

The ‘flood’ of 1945: regimes and repertoires of migration in the Soviet Union at war’s end

The pioneering migration scholar Eugene Kulischer employed the metaphor of the ‘flood’ to characterize the movement of peoples across Eurasia at the end of the Second World War. This article builds on that metaphor by analysing the range of Soviet citizens’ migratory movements within and back to the USSR in 1945. It pays special attention to settlers, deportees, returning evacuees, repatriates, demobilized soldiers and itinerants. Not only did these different groups of migrants appear simultaneously, but each produced the other: settlers moved to deportees’ vacated land; many demobilized soldiers and evacuees were recruited as settlers; some repatriates were deported; and those escaping deportation often became itinerants. In each case the article examines the interaction between the state’s migration regimes – its projects and provision of infrastructure to move people – and migrants’ repertoires, that is, their reliance on networks of kinship and friendship to avoid or mitigate hardship and maximize opportunities. It argues that the fulfilment of the state’s agendas with respect to migration depended not only on its regimes but migrants’ own practices.     

A Tentative Study of Direct Japanese Investment in China during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression:The Case of Japanese Investment in Mines

Direct Japanese investment in China during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression meant frenzied predation. In the initial stage of the war, the Japanese government focused on bringing Northeast China into its wartime economic system and on the creation of "an integrated Japanese     

The Guidance Function of Cases of Misappropriation of Public Funds in Transitional China—With the Reference to Criminal Trial of the Supreme People’s Court of China as a Sample of Analysis

相对于贪污、受贿等传统型腐败犯罪, 挪用公款罪不是常态性罪名, 而是针对社 会转型刑法应对的成果。该罪的立法、司法过程中存在着诸多纠结, 这使得判例参考 的价值凸显。最高人民法院十分重视对该罪判例的公布, 这为现实裁决提供了指导和 参考作用。最近10年所公布挪用公款罪判例折射出司法的重心是: 注重主体身份的实 质公务性、从形式合理性理解“归个人使用”、慎重解释“公款”的内涵。判例公布 在有利于同案同判的同时, 也成为促进理论与实践的助推器。

关键词: 腐败犯罪 挪用公款 社会转型 判例 ?刑事审判参考?

Compared with the traditional offenses of embezzlement, bribe-taking and so on, the misappropriation of public funds is not a routine charge but a result of the response of criminal law to social transition. The fact that a number of difficulties have arisen in legislative and judicial procedures relating to this offense makes the value of case reference material significant. The Supreme People’s Court of China attaches great importance to the publication of cases of misappropriation of public funds, which offer guidance and reference for real-life adjudication. Cases publicized in the last decade reflect a judicial emphasis—they focus on the official nature of the duties performed by the subject, on understanding “for individual use” from the viewpoint of formal rationality and on a cautious interpretation of the connotations of “public funds.” Publicizing such cases facilitates reaching the same verdict in similar cases and at the same time acts as a catalyst for the advancement of theory and practice.     

Women’s political empowerment: Influence of women in legislative versus executive branches in the fight against corruption

This research adds to the literature on gender and corruption, with the main contributions lying in the comparison of the relative influence of women in the legislative versus the executive branches of the government on cross-country corruption. Placing the empirical analysis within the context of the determinants of corruption, results, using data over a large sample of nations covering the years 2018–2020, show that it is women in the legislative branch (via membership in parliaments) that exert a downward pressure on corruption. On the other hand, women in the executive branch (captured via female heads of state and female cabinet ministers) did not exert a statistically significant influence on corruption. Such insignificance also held when an overall index of women’s political empowerment was used and with respect to the longevity of women’s suffrage in a nation. Interestingly, nations with quotas for women’s political participation experienced greater corruption. Our quantile regression results uniquely show the sensitivity of the prevalence of corruption to the factors driving it. These findings provide additional insights into the role of women in government - women across the board in government will not necessarily lead to a “cleaner” government, and that, the institution of quotas to bolster women’s participation in the political process is not advisable, at least when corruption reduction is a goal.