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1.
观察国际和外交问题的视角与观念变化,是中华人民共和国外交史研究中尚需探讨和梳理的课题。在新中国成立后的前30年,中国外交深受在革命过程中形成的外交观念的影响。其基本诉求是建立新型外交关系,核心观念是独立自主与和平,外交政策的基石是和平共处五项原则;此外,国际统一战线策略,对现实世界的战略划分,以及对战争、和平与革命的思考亦对这一时期的外交政策具有重大影响。自20世纪70年代末实行改革开放以来,中国外交转以发展为视角,配合国家经济建设这一中心任务,做出一系列战略和政策调整。中国对国际形势作出和平与发展的新判断,对独立自主的和平外交政策作了新诠释,致力于建立均衡的对外关系,主张以渐进方式推动国际秩序的改进,决心走和平发展道路。中国由此成为现存国际秩序的参与者和建设者。进入21世纪,中国成为令世界瞩目的新兴大国,外交观念也在继承以往的基础上与时俱进。中国强调当代世界是命运共同体,谋求与各国的合作、共赢  相似文献   

2.
从1963年12月12日到1964年1月23日,中法外交代表在瑞士首都伯尔尼进行了 四次会谈,最终达成了中法建交协议。中方对伯尔尼会谈的基本态度是’速决为 宜?,为此在宣布建交方式、建交公报内容、发表公报时间等问题上对法国作了一 定的让步,但仍坚持至少在中国的单独声明中宣布中华人民共和国为代表中国人民 的唯一合法政府、台湾是中国领土一部分等原则立场。中国采取’速决为宜?的方 针,一方面是由于发展对法关系的必要性,另一方面也是中国高层估计中法建交是 可能的。但伯尔尼会谈并未解决所有问题,其中法台关系问题将成为中法发展正常 关系的障碍之一。  相似文献   

3.
中国政府坚持儿童优先原则,积极通过法律法规、政策制度、公共服务、试点工作等方式方法,致力保障儿童生存、发展、受保护和参与的权利,缩小儿童发展的城乡区域差距,不断提升儿童福利水平,充分履行了政府在提高儿童整体素质,促进儿童健康、全面发展方面的职责。

中国有2.8亿儿童,是世界上儿童最多的国家。中国是联合国《儿童权利公约》的缔约国和忠实践行国。改革开放以来,中国经济快速发展,政治和谐稳定,社会文明程度不断提高。与此同时,中国的儿童事业也取得了令人瞩目的成就。  相似文献   

4.
作为“权利”的学术话语权,主要有创造更新权、意义赋予权、学术自主权等类 型;作为“权力”的学术话语权,主要有指引导向权、鉴定评判权、行动支配权等类 型。这些也体现在中国社会学百余年的发展历程中。在中国社会学初创阶段,严复等 人在社会学本土化和学术话语创新方面进行了尝试。费孝通经历了中国社会学前期发 展阶段近20年及后期56年全过程,其学术历程对于中国社会学发展史具有典型意义。 在理论自觉基础上努力达致学术话语权的制高点,是中国社会学从世界学术格局边陲 走向中心的一条必由之路。

关键词: 学术话语权 中国社会学 理论自觉 学术话语

As a kind of right (quanli 权利), academic discourse rights include the right to create and innovate, to endow with meaning and to academic autonomy. As a kind of power (quanli 权力), it refers to the power to guide, judge, control and so on. These rights and powers have been pursued as Chinese sociology developed for over a century. At the inception of sociology in China, Yan Fu and other scholars experimented with localizing sociology and innovating academic discourse. Fei Xiaotong’s life covered nearly 20 years of Chinese sociology’s early development and another 56 years of its later development; his academic journey epitomizes the historical development of Chinese sociology. The only way for Chinese sociology to move from the periphery of world academia into the center is to endeavor, on the basis of theoretical self-consciousness, to seize the commanding heights of academic discourse rights.  相似文献   

5.
当代中国农地制度经历了土地改革、合作化运动、人民公社化和家庭承包经营 等发展阶段。其存续和变迁可以用’黏性生成—黏性稀释?分析框架进行阐释:制 度环境与路径依赖是制度黏性的生成诱因,对农地制度的存续发挥了重要作用;非 正式制度的渗入是稀释制度黏性的关键变量,非正式制度与正式制度之间的互动贯 穿整个制度变迁过程,思想观念和意识形态的变化对正式制度的加强、消解或建构 具有重要影响。  相似文献   

6.
澳门是中国最早对外开放的港口城市之一。但它如何在明朝中国的体制下开放 给葡萄牙人,其性质和作用如何,曾经引起朝野内外的争论,也经历了一个漫长的 演变过程,并最终得以发展成为一个商业城市。澳门港口城市早期形成、发展的特 殊政治环境、行政形态和社会生活经验,造就了澳门“和而不同,不同而和”的特 性和传统,承传数百年而生生不灭。

关键词: 澳门、?港口开放、?城市建立、?政治争论、?历史作用

Macao was one of the earliest port cities in China to be opened to foreigners; but how, under the institutions of Ming dynasty China, it should be opened to the Portuguese, and what its character and function should be, were subjects that triggered controversy both at court and among non‐officials. It was only after a lengthy process of evolution that Macao finally developed into a commercial city. The special political environment, administrative patterns and social experiences of early Macao created a unique character and tradition of “harmony amidst difference, and difference amidst harmony” that was maintained for centuries with undiminished vitality.  相似文献   

7.
The original hypothesis of this research was that China has developed public policies to protect the rights and interests of its ethnic minorities. Using literature and web materials from different sources, however, the authors were unable to obtain findings to test this hypothesis. Nevertheless, from an analysis of 31 articles and books, eight research and news websites, and three Chinese government websites, we found three discussion areas on the relationship between public policies and ethnic minorities in China. These three areas are the characteristics of ethnic minorities in China, the theoretical underpinnings of studies of ethnic minorities in China, and recent migration patterns that affect ethnic minority populations. Limited by using scarce resources from existing literature, including general demographic and government websites, this article analyses whether policies have been formed to help ethnic minorities to be economically and politically productive.

本研究最原先的假设是中国已发展了一系列的公共政策以保护境内少数民族的权益。但是,作者无法从不同的文献和网络等获得资料以考证这个假设。不过,通过对三十一篇文章和书籍,八个研究及新闻网站,和三个中国政府的官方网站的分析后,我们发现有关研究中国公共政策和少数民族关系的三个范畴。这三个领域包括:中国少数民族的特征,中国少数民族的理论基础研究,以及近代移民模式对少数民族的影响。用现今有限的文献,包括一般人口资料和政府网站,本文分析了协助少数民族提高经济和政治生产力的政策是否已经形成。  相似文献   

8.
中国的决策体制是中国政治体制的中枢系统, 也是决定中国发展的关键因素。以 中国共产党为领导核心的决策体制是在中国共产党领导革命、创建新中国的长期历史 中形成的, 具有其历史合理性。决策体制从建立到改革开放前呈现集中化的趋势。决 策权力日趋集中的体制, 存在着决策结构专业化分工程度不高、制度化程度低、偏重 经验决策、决策过程封闭和缺乏自我修正与调节机制等弊端。改革开放后, 决策体制 改革的重点, 是在决策结构、决策方式和决策机制三个主要方面推进决策的民主化、 科学化和法治化建设。决策体制改革的实践证明, 以决策民主化、科学化和法治化为 导向的决策体制改革, 成功应对了中国由经济和社会迅速变迁所带来的各种挑战。从 政治发展的角度看, 决策体制改革呈现出的基本趋势是: 从个人决策向民主决策、从 经验决策向科学决策、从决策组织高度集中向决策组织结构分化、从封闭式决策向开 放式决策、从被动参与决策向自主参与决策、从决策非制度化向决策制度化转变。一 个中国共产党主导、多方参与、科学论证、过程开放、依法运行的决策模式在决策体 制改革的实践中初步形成。

关键词: 决策体制 集中决策 民主决策 科学决策 依法决策

The decision-making system is the backbone of China’s political system and a crucial factor determining its development. The decision-making system with the CPC lying at the core results from the CPC’s long history of leading China’s revolution and establishing the People’s Republic of China; therefore it has historical rationality. Decision-making was centralized over the period from the foundation of the PRC to reform and opening up. This centralized decision-making system had faults such as a low level of specialized division of labor, low institutionalization, an undue emphasis on experience, a closed decision-making process and the absence of any self-correcting and adjustment mechanisms. The reform of China’s decision-making system in the post-reform period has attached much importance to promoting democratic, scientific and law-based decision-making with regard to decision- making structures, modes and mechanisms. Practice proves that this reform has successfully met the challenges arising from rapid social and economic transition. Viewed from the perspective of political development, it involves an evolution from personal to democratic, from experience-based to scientific, from centralized to decentralized, from closed to open, from passive to active participation and from non-institutionalized to institutionalized decision-making. A decision-making model has gradually taken shape that is characterized by CPC domination, participation by multiple entities, scientific proof, open process, and law-based operation.  相似文献   

9.
过去数十年来, 多元性的文化、社会和政治图景演变甚巨; 然而我们却仍未找到 一种话语来描述、界定、理解、解释和研究当代世界的超级多元性。关于多元性的社 会思想和政治行动大多受制于民族主义方法论和多元文化主义框架; 然而, 对此应该 提出质疑。和民族主义方法论相对的世界主义方法论, 是观察多元性问题富有前景的 视角。另外, 对规范的、哲学意义上的“世界主义”和作为一种结构现象及社会科学 研究项目的“世界化”进行区分是非常必要的。我们可以把哲学及规范意义上的世界 主义与世界性社会科学结合起来, 构建一种世界性的现实主义。

关键词: 超级多元性 民族主义方法论 多元文化主义 世界主义 世界化

Over the last decades the cultural, social and political landscapes of diversity are changing radically, but we do not even have the language through which contemporary superdiversity in the world can be described, conceptualized, understood, explained and researched. Many of the social thoughts and political actions on issues of diversity are now dominated by methodological nationalism and multiculturalism which, however, have to be called into question. As opposed to methodological nationalism, methodological cosmopolitanism is a promising lens through which to look at questions of diversity. And it is essential to draw an essential distinction between “cosmopolitanism” in a normative philosophical sense and “cosmopolitanization” as a structural phenomenon and as a social scientific research programme. Philosophical and normative cosmopolitanism can be combined with cosmopolitan social science to create a cosmopolitan realism.  相似文献   

10.
现代中国佛教抗战文学是非常时代里出现的具有特殊意义的文学史现象。这种文 学在主题表达上,将现代佛徒的国民意识与传统佛教的菩萨行精神相结合;在个体的 生命体验上,因应时代对佛学观念进行自觉、现代性的创造发挥;在社会角色的身份 认同上,以艺术方式自觉、主动呼应战时国家的文化战略;在艺术生产方式上,有力 推动作者结构的大众化与表现方式的现代化。这些新质素与趋势为学界全面、深入认 识和评估中国抗战文学对民族抗战的作用与贡献,提供了一个不可忽视的角度。  相似文献   

11.
在早期移植西方经济理论的过程中, 近代留学生群体对中国现代经济学的产生、 发展起了极其重要的作用。他们一方面运用现代经济理论分析中国经济问题, 促进经 济学的中国化、本土化, 为解决中国经济问题寻求答案; 另一方面敏锐把握经济学发 展的时代脉搏, 勇于创新, 跻身世界经济学学术之林。

关键词: 近代留学生 现代经济学 博士论文

In the initial period of transplanting Western economic theory, Chinese students studying abroad in the late Qing and Republican periods played a very important role in the formation and development of modern Chinese economics. On the one hand, by applying modern economic theory to Chinese economic problems, they sought solutions to these problems and facilitated the Sinicization and localization of economics; on the other, they kept pace with the latest developments in economics and were bold innovators, with some entering the ranks of world famous economists.  相似文献   

12.
迄今为止,中国现代文学研究已取得了举世瞩目的成就,但趋于“饱和”的状态 也使其陷入了举步维艰的境地。因此,寻找新的学术增长点就变得异常重要和紧迫。 “书法文化”与“中国现代作家”的关系,几近是一个研究空白,以往很少引人注 意,这是令人遗憾的。事实上,许多中国现代作家都与书法文化有着不解之缘,他们 在书法收藏、书法创作、书学探讨上都做出了重要贡献;反过来,书法文化也对现代 文学的存在方式、文本形式、情感表达、思维方式以及审美趣味等产生了深刻的影 响。另外,通过对书法文化与中国现代作家关系的考察,还可引发我们进一步深入思 考文学、书法、文化、教育等相关问题,以便有助于新世纪的中国文学和文化获得更 大的发展空间。

关键词: 书法文化?中国现代作家?学术创新?第三种文本?书学

Research on modern Chinese literature has achieved results that have attracted wide attention. However, its state of near “saturation” has placed it in a dilemma with no clear way forward. Finding new academic growth points has become exceptionally important and urgent. The relationship between the “culture of calligraphy” and “modern Chinese writers” is virtually a research blank and has so far attracted regrettably little attention. In fact, many modern Chinese writers have had close ties with calligraphy, making important contributions to its collection, creation and scholarly exploration. Conversely, the culture of calligraphy has exerted a profound influence on such things as the mode of existence, textual forms, emotional expression, ways of thought and aesthetic tastes of modern literature. Moreover, an examination of this relationship may stimulate us to reflect more deeply on literature, calligraphy, culture, education and related issues, which may help us gain a larger space for the development of Chinese culture and literature in the new century.  相似文献   

13.
Current thinking suggests that evidence‐based practice (EBP) is a key to unlocking the potential for social work development in mainland China. But Chinese social workers may be confronted by the challenges of EBP in using research evidence, exercising expert judgment, as well as considering client characteristics, as social work is a relatively new enterprise in China's unique social–economic–political context. There is little indigenous research evidence for Chinese social workers to refer to. There are few experienced social workers and researchers since social work practice, education and research were reinstated only in the late 1980s. Mainland Chinese may not be aware of what social workers can do and may prefer authority‐based practice. This paper aims to first review the definition of EBP, followed by a discussion of the challenges and opportunities in applying EBP to social work in China. It then highlights the usefulness of collaboration between academics, practitioners, and clients in implementing EBP. A recent research project on ex‐offenders and their family members in Singapore is used to illustrate the feasibility of collaboration between academia and the field.

当前的理论认为, 以证据为本的实践是一个解开中国大陆社会工作重新发展潜能的钥匙。 然而, 中国社会工作者在运用研究证据、行使专业判断及考虑服务使用者的特质时, 或许会遇到实证为本的挑战, 因为在中国独特的社会、经济及政治环境下, 社会工作是一个相对地新兴的专业, 没有太多本土化的研究证据可供中国社会工作者参考。 同时, 因为社会工作实践、教育及研究在1980年代末期才得以复苏, 也没有太多富有经验的社会工作者及研究人员。 中国内地民众或许未曾意识到社会工作者能够做什么, 宁可依据以权威为本的实践。 本文的主要目的首先是检视以证据为本的实践的定义, 然后讨论在中国应用以证据为本的实践的挑战及机遇。 文章突出了在引用以证据为本的实践时, 学术界、前线工作者及服务使用者相互合作的益处。 藉一项在新加坡进行的前刑事犯人及其家人的近期研究成果, 以说明学术界与社会工作界合作的可行性。  相似文献   

14.
中国社会心理学在面对急速的社会变迁中,需要以变迁与文化的视角来选择研究 问题,而中国社会文化中群己关系的社会心理机制,即“我们”概念的形成机制及其 转换的可能与条件,正是一个体现着双重视角的基本问题。对这一问题的探讨不仅有 助于解释社会凝聚力、群体行动的逻辑,讨论国家与个人、社会与个人、类别与个人 的关系;也有助于培植社会转型时期的社会心理资源和社会支持系统,从而促进社会 合作。与以往单一机制的分析框架不同,通过对两个个案的讨论,研究提出了一个 新的分析框架,即:中国人“我们”概念是在社会情境的启动和价值取向等因素影响之 下,经由相互交织的“关系化”与“类别化”双重过程形成的。

关键词: “我们”?概念?群己关系?关系?关系化?类别化

Faced with rapid social transformation, the discipline of social psychology in China needs to choose its research topics from the perspective of both change and culture. A basic issue reflecting precisely these two perspectives is that of the formation of the social psychology mechanism of individual‐group relations, namely the formation of the concept of “us” in Chinese society and culture, as well as the possibility and conditions for the transformation of this mechanism. Exploring this issue will not only help us to understand social cohesion and the logic of group behavior and to discuss the relationship between the state and the individual, society and the individual, and the category and the individual; it will also help cultivate social psychology resources and support systems at a time of social transition, and thus promote social cooperation.. Unlike previous analytical studies that focused on a unitary mechanism, this study uses the discussion of two cases to put forward a new framework for analysis: that is, the Chinese concept of “us” comes into being through the mingling of “guanxilization” and “categorization” under the influence of social context priming, value orientation and other factors.  相似文献   

15.
在1980和1990年代,中国是世界教育领域分权改革的重要组成部分。主流研究 当时都强调“低重心”、多渠道的教育经费体制的内在合理性,强调分权化是难以 逆转的趋势。可是从2001年开始,中国调整了农村义务教育管理体制。我们通过实 证分析发现,这一改革不再是分权化改革的延续和完善,而是重新确立政府责任的 一种尝试。它既导致了教育投入的快速增长,也在相当程度上促进了教育公平,尤 其是在小学教育阶段。这为世界教育改革提供了有益经验,也为主流研究的一系列 命题和假设提供了反思的机会。

关键词: 教育改革?分权?教育经费?城乡差距?地区差距

In the 1980s and 1990s, China was an important part of the worldwide decentralization of education. Mainstream research at the time highlighted the inherent rationality of a “low center of gravity” and multiple sources of educational funding and stressed decentralization as an irreversible trend. Since 2001, however, China has readjusted its system of administration of rural compulsory education. Our empirical analysis suggests that this reform is not an extension and refinement of the previous decentralization reform; rather, it represents a renewed effort to reestablish government responsibility for compulsory education. The 2001 reform has led to a rapid increase in government investment in education and a considerable improvement in educational equity, especially in primary education. It therefore provides not just a valuable reference for educational reform around the world, but also an opportunity to reflect upon a series of propositions and assumptions in mainstream research.  相似文献   

16.
东亚睦邻关系源远流长,近百年来却遭到严峻的挑战。在民族国家的多事之秋,中国文学和中华民族一道承担苦难,思考出路,在关注自己启蒙、救亡、独立和振兴的同时,也关注对自己的命运发生过深刻影响的国际力量,对朝鲜半岛民族国家的关注和认知具有特殊的文化情感和命运体悟。一百多年来,中国文学对朝鲜的认知经历了四个阶段:以朝鲜的亡国为鉴镜,反省危机四伏的中国现状;引朝鲜人民为共同抗敌、休戚与共的战友;在南北朝鲜分裂的局面下,引北方为战友使南方处于缺席状态;在“华风”与“韩流”的互动中,把文学对韩国的认知推向穿透历史、牵连血性的深度。

关键词: 中国文学?朝鲜叙事?鉴镜?互动交流

The harmonious relationship among East Asian countries has a very long history. However, it has faced serious challenges in the past hundred years. In these eventful years for our nation, Chinese literature, like the Chinese people, has endured hardships and pondered ways of extricating the country from its malaise. In addition to being concerned over China's enlightenment, salvation, independence and rejuvenation, writers have also paid considerable attention to important international forces that had a strong influence on their country's fate. Concern over and understanding of the Korean nation had a particular emotional charge and relevance to their own fate. Over the course of a century, Chinese literature's awareness of Korea went through four stages. In the first, Korea's loss of independence served as a mirror of China's own dangerous position, menaced on all sides; in the second, the Korean people were seen as comrades‐in‐arms combating foreign foes; in the third, when the Korean Peninsula was divided, North Koreans continued to be regarded as comrades‐in‐arms while South Korea was not acknowledged; and in the final stage, amidst the interaction between “China style” and the “Korean wave,” Chinese literature's awareness of Korea expanded through a penetrating appreciation of Korean history involving deep ties of courage and uprightness.  相似文献   

17.
二战后,随着世界各国政党数量的增加,政党所掌握资源的扩大,政党的影响逐步从国内扩展到国际,政党外交逐渐成为了外交的新形式。1956年,中共八大的召开是党的政党外交史上的重大事件。因为,八大是新中国成立之后党召开的第一次全国代表大会,开展政党外交尤为瞩目。更重要的,这是党在新中国成立后第一次也是唯一一次专门邀请国外政党代表团参加的党代会。中共利用召开党的八大这个舞台,积极开展政党外交活动,诚挚邀请了50多个国外政党代表团来华参会,请兄弟政党代表团在八大上进行发言,积极开展党际交流活动,安排到地方进行参观访问等。八大期间的政党外交,既达到了加深友谊、相互交流的目的,也达到了展示新中国、展示中国共产党的目标,具有深远的历史意义。  相似文献   

18.
伴随着中国的改革开放, 中国反腐败的罪名体系走过了一条逐步精致化、细腻化 的发展历程, 完成了多次细化和全面转型,形成了严密的反腐败刑事法网和二元制罪 名体系。二元制的反腐败罪名体系在过去30年间贡献卓著,它不仅是法律逻辑自然演 进的结果,背后也承载着复杂的社会变革因素,更体现了立法者试图在制度层面遏制 腐败的主观期待。伴随着中国改革开放力度和范围的加大,中国反腐败罪名体系的未 来走向,必然是坚决废弃二元制罪名体系和彻底恢复一元制罪名体系。

关键词: 反腐败 罪名体系 改革开放 立法模式 职务犯罪

In step with reform and opening up, the Chinese system of anti-corruption charges has been progressively refined and elaborated. Its successive refinements and comprehensive transformation have resulted in a tight-knit network of anti-corruption criminal law and a dual system of charges. This system has made a remarkable contribution to combating corruption over the last three decades. More than the outcome of the natural evolution of legal logic, it also involves complex considerations of social transformation and reflects lawmakers’ expectations of being able to prevent corruption at the institutional level. With the deepening and widening of reform and opening up, China’s system of anti-corruption charges will inevitably develop towards the thorough abolition of the dual system of charges and the complete restoration of the unitary system.  相似文献   

19.
钓鱼岛等岛屿在1895年1月,即日本正式对它们提出主张时的领土地位,是中日之间关于这些岛屿的争端中最为关键的问题之一。鉴于这些岛屿是无人居住的遥远的小岛,以及在相当长的时间内并无其他国家对它们提出领土主张的事实,中国在1895年之前对这些岛屿行使的实际主权管理活动确立了中国对钓鱼岛等岛屿的原始主权。由此日本无法通过先占取得对这些岛屿的主权。

关键词: 钓鱼岛等岛屿?东海?领土争端?中日关系

The territorial status of the Diaoyu Islands in January 1895 when Japan officially made claims to them is one of the most crucial issues for the dispute over these islands between China and Japan. Given the fact that these islets are tiny, uninhabited and remote, as well as that no rival claims to them had existed for a fairly long period of time, the actual sovereign functions exercised by China regarding these islands before 1895 established the original title of China to the Diaoyu Islands. Thus Japan could not acquire the title to these islets by occupation.  相似文献   

20.
In response to growing rural–urban inequality, China is undertaking a series of policy initiatives to promote rural development. In addition to redistributive policy aiming at social protection, asset‐based policy, which integrates social protection and social investment, are a viable option for progressive rural development. In 1998, the Hutubi local government in Xinjiang, China, implemented an innovative retirement programme that allows account holders to use accounts as legal collateral to borrow small loans and invest in productive assets, education, and small businesses. Using the data gathered by the programme organizers and in‐depth interviews with programme participants, this case study closely examines the Hutubi programme. We examine the programme's key features, which have effectively encouraged asset building in a rural community, and identify the programme's strengths and weaknesses. The success of the Hutubi programme has implications for asset‐based policy development in rural China.

为了回应城乡日益扩大的不平等, 中国现正实施一系列新政策以鼓励农村发展。 除了以社会保护为目的的再分配政策外, 资产为本的政策综合了社会保护和社会投资, 是推进农村进步性发展的可行选择。 1998年, 中国新疆呼图壁地区政府实施了崭新的养老计划, 容许户口持有人利用保险户口作为法律担保, 借出小额贷款及投资在具有效益的资产、教育及小型企业上。

透过项目组织者所收集的数据, 以及与参与者进行的深入访谈, 本研究个案将详细剖析呼图壁项目。 我们检视了项目的主要特征, 这些特征有效地促成了农村社区资产的建立。 我们还分析了项目的优缺点。 呼图壁项目的成功对中国农村实行资产为本的政策发展有着深远的启示。  相似文献   

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