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1.
中国政府坚持儿童优先原则,积极通过法律法规、政策制度、公共服务、试点工作等方式方法,致力保障儿童生存、发展、受保护和参与的权利,缩小儿童发展的城乡区域差距,不断提升儿童福利水平,充分履行了政府在提高儿童整体素质,促进儿童健康、全面发展方面的职责。

中国有2.8亿儿童,是世界上儿童最多的国家。中国是联合国《儿童权利公约》的缔约国和忠实践行国。改革开放以来,中国经济快速发展,政治和谐稳定,社会文明程度不断提高。与此同时,中国的儿童事业也取得了令人瞩目的成就。  相似文献   

2.
观察国际和外交问题的视角与观念变化,是中华人民共和国外交史研究中尚需探讨和梳理的课题。在新中国成立后的前30年,中国外交深受在革命过程中形成的外交观念的影响。其基本诉求是建立新型外交关系,核心观念是独立自主与和平,外交政策的基石是和平共处五项原则;此外,国际统一战线策略,对现实世界的战略划分,以及对战争、和平与革命的思考亦对这一时期的外交政策具有重大影响。自20世纪70年代末实行改革开放以来,中国外交转以发展为视角,配合国家经济建设这一中心任务,做出一系列战略和政策调整。中国对国际形势作出和平与发展的新判断,对独立自主的和平外交政策作了新诠释,致力于建立均衡的对外关系,主张以渐进方式推动国际秩序的改进,决心走和平发展道路。中国由此成为现存国际秩序的参与者和建设者。进入21世纪,中国成为令世界瞩目的新兴大国,外交观念也在继承以往的基础上与时俱进。中国强调当代世界是命运共同体,谋求与各国的合作、共赢  相似文献   

3.
近代中国世界史研究的萌生, 始于19世纪中叶, 这和中国“救亡图存” 的时代主题联系在一起。中国世界史研究的特点是与时代的脉搏同时跳动, 在各个历史时期, 它研究方向的主流, 从不曾脱离时代的主题, 表现出一种强烈的社会责任。在改革开放新的历史条件下, 中国世界史研究的社会责任, 从根本上要在坚持为人民服 务、为社会主义服务的方向上体现出来。

关键词: 中国世界史研究 中国史学 中国社会科学

Modern Chinese study of world history began in the middle of the nineteenth century and was closely related to the main theme of the times, that of saving the nation from subjugation and ensuring its survival. Its chief feature was that it was attuned to the pulse of the times; in all historical periods, the main current of its research has never deviated from the main theme of the times, showing a strong sense of responsibility to society. Under the new historical conditions of reform and opening up, this sense of social responsibility should be reflected in fundamental adherence to the direction of serving the people and socialism.  相似文献   

4.
“文化反哺”是理解处在急速变迁时代中国社会代际关系的一个本土性概念, 它 在由全球化和社会转型所共同引发的变迁维度上理解中国社会代际关系的颠覆或倒置 现象, 将急速变迁时代所发生的年长一代向年轻一代进行广泛的文化吸收现象视为新 的文化传承模式。在新兴食品、移动电话和电子计算机三类现代器物的传播与选择过 程中, 突出表现出代际倾斜、去中心化和数字鸿沟趋势, 而在器物文明传承过程中 出现的这种代际颠覆现象, 是30年改革开放或社会变迁带给中国人的心理体验的一部 分, 它在精神层面上赋予中国经验以完整的价值和意义。

关键词: 文化反哺 器物文明 代际传承 中国体验

“Cultural feedback” (wenhua fanbu, literally “cultural reverse feeding”), an indigenous concept coined to facilitate the understanding of intergenerational relations in China’s drastically changing society, focuses on the subversion or reversal of conventional intergenerational relations in the light of changes triggered jointly by globalization and social transformation and views the extensive absorption of emerging cultural elements by the older generation from the young generation as a new mode of transmission. The process of the dissemination and selection of three kinds of modern artifacts—new foods, cell phones and computers—highlights the intergenerational tilt, the phenomenon of decentralization and the trend towards a digital divide. The subversion of conventional intergenerational relations in the process of the transmission of artifact civilization, as a significant part of Chinese psychological reactions to over three decades of reform and opening up, is indispensable to the psychological integrity of Chinese experience.  相似文献   

5.
财政供养人员是政府的行政之基,其规模大小直接影响政府效能与社会和谐。1998年以来的政府机构改革,有效地抑制了财政供养规模的膨胀,中国当前的财政供养规模总体上处于安全水平、受控状态,但在优化财政供养人员的结构与功能方面仍然面临巨大挑战。中国的财政供养问题绝非是一个孤立的问题,而是与更深层的政府体制改革息息相关。财政供养问题其实是中国政府体制改革的一个缩影,政府体制很多深层次的问题都会在财政供养问题中得到集中反映,而财政供养存在的各种现实问题,也只有通过政府体制改革才能够从根本上解决。

关键词: 财政供养?机构改革?政府规模

Government‐financed persons (GFPs) form the basis of government administration and the number of the GFPs has a direct bearing on government efficiency and social harmony. Government restructuring since 1998 has effectively curbed inflation in the number of the GFPs, which at present remains at a safe overall level and under control. However, optimizing the structure and functions of GFPs still poses a huge challenge to the central government. The issue of GFPs is by no means an isolated one, but is closely related to government restructuring at a deeper level. In a real sense, the issue of GFPs is a microcosm of China's government restructuring and many of the underlying problems in the government system find a concentrated reflection in the question of GFPs. Conversely, many of the real problems in GFPs can only be thoroughly resolved by government restructuring.  相似文献   

6.
在市场化过程中,中国出现了收入差距不断扩大的趋势,从而社会上出现了一些将收入差距扩大的原因归结为市场化改革的错误认识。本文通过对我国改革开放以来收入分配格局变化的主要特点和导致收入差距扩大的原因加以细致实证分析, 对一些模糊认识加以澄清。本文认为在个人收入差距扩大的诸多因素中,传统计划 体制遗留下来的一些制度和政策,在部门利益和地方利益驱使下新形成的有悖于市 场体制规则的制度和政策,政府对市场缺失和市场扭曲采取的不作为态度,对资本 节制和劳动保护的不足,政府对经济的过度干预,成为导致收入差距扩大和收入分 配不公的最重要因素。

关键词: 收入差距?改革?城乡?中国

In the course of marketization in China, there has been a trend for the income gap to become ever wider. Some people have mistakenly attributed the gap to market reforms. This article provides a detailed empirical analysis of the changes in income distribution patterns and the reasons for the increasing income gap to clear up such misunderstandings. We believe the most important factors in the widening of the income gap and unequal income distribution are institutions and policies inherited from traditional economic planning; newly emerging systems and policies driven by departmental and local interests that run counter to market laws; lack of government action on gaps or distortions in the market; insufficient capital regulation and labor protection; and excessive government intervention in the economy.  相似文献   

7.
现代中国佛教抗战文学是非常时代里出现的具有特殊意义的文学史现象。这种文 学在主题表达上,将现代佛徒的国民意识与传统佛教的菩萨行精神相结合;在个体的 生命体验上,因应时代对佛学观念进行自觉、现代性的创造发挥;在社会角色的身份 认同上,以艺术方式自觉、主动呼应战时国家的文化战略;在艺术生产方式上,有力 推动作者结构的大众化与表现方式的现代化。这些新质素与趋势为学界全面、深入认 识和评估中国抗战文学对民族抗战的作用与贡献,提供了一个不可忽视的角度。  相似文献   

8.
伴随着中国的改革开放, 中国反腐败的罪名体系走过了一条逐步精致化、细腻化 的发展历程, 完成了多次细化和全面转型,形成了严密的反腐败刑事法网和二元制罪 名体系。二元制的反腐败罪名体系在过去30年间贡献卓著,它不仅是法律逻辑自然演 进的结果,背后也承载着复杂的社会变革因素,更体现了立法者试图在制度层面遏制 腐败的主观期待。伴随着中国改革开放力度和范围的加大,中国反腐败罪名体系的未 来走向,必然是坚决废弃二元制罪名体系和彻底恢复一元制罪名体系。

关键词: 反腐败 罪名体系 改革开放 立法模式 职务犯罪

In step with reform and opening up, the Chinese system of anti-corruption charges has been progressively refined and elaborated. Its successive refinements and comprehensive transformation have resulted in a tight-knit network of anti-corruption criminal law and a dual system of charges. This system has made a remarkable contribution to combating corruption over the last three decades. More than the outcome of the natural evolution of legal logic, it also involves complex considerations of social transformation and reflects lawmakers’ expectations of being able to prevent corruption at the institutional level. With the deepening and widening of reform and opening up, China’s system of anti-corruption charges will inevitably develop towards the thorough abolition of the dual system of charges and the complete restoration of the unitary system.  相似文献   

9.
在1980和1990年代,中国是世界教育领域分权改革的重要组成部分。主流研究 当时都强调“低重心”、多渠道的教育经费体制的内在合理性,强调分权化是难以 逆转的趋势。可是从2001年开始,中国调整了农村义务教育管理体制。我们通过实 证分析发现,这一改革不再是分权化改革的延续和完善,而是重新确立政府责任的 一种尝试。它既导致了教育投入的快速增长,也在相当程度上促进了教育公平,尤 其是在小学教育阶段。这为世界教育改革提供了有益经验,也为主流研究的一系列 命题和假设提供了反思的机会。

关键词: 教育改革?分权?教育经费?城乡差距?地区差距

In the 1980s and 1990s, China was an important part of the worldwide decentralization of education. Mainstream research at the time highlighted the inherent rationality of a “low center of gravity” and multiple sources of educational funding and stressed decentralization as an irreversible trend. Since 2001, however, China has readjusted its system of administration of rural compulsory education. Our empirical analysis suggests that this reform is not an extension and refinement of the previous decentralization reform; rather, it represents a renewed effort to reestablish government responsibility for compulsory education. The 2001 reform has led to a rapid increase in government investment in education and a considerable improvement in educational equity, especially in primary education. It therefore provides not just a valuable reference for educational reform around the world, but also an opportunity to reflect upon a series of propositions and assumptions in mainstream research.  相似文献   

10.
二战后,随着世界各国政党数量的增加,政党所掌握资源的扩大,政党的影响逐步从国内扩展到国际,政党外交逐渐成为了外交的新形式。1956年,中共八大的召开是党的政党外交史上的重大事件。因为,八大是新中国成立之后党召开的第一次全国代表大会,开展政党外交尤为瞩目。更重要的,这是党在新中国成立后第一次也是唯一一次专门邀请国外政党代表团参加的党代会。中共利用召开党的八大这个舞台,积极开展政党外交活动,诚挚邀请了50多个国外政党代表团来华参会,请兄弟政党代表团在八大上进行发言,积极开展党际交流活动,安排到地方进行参观访问等。八大期间的政党外交,既达到了加深友谊、相互交流的目的,也达到了展示新中国、展示中国共产党的目标,具有深远的历史意义。  相似文献   

11.
从1963年12月12日到1964年1月23日,中法外交代表在瑞士首都伯尔尼进行了 四次会谈,最终达成了中法建交协议。中方对伯尔尼会谈的基本态度是’速决为 宜?,为此在宣布建交方式、建交公报内容、发表公报时间等问题上对法国作了一 定的让步,但仍坚持至少在中国的单独声明中宣布中华人民共和国为代表中国人民 的唯一合法政府、台湾是中国领土一部分等原则立场。中国采取’速决为宜?的方 针,一方面是由于发展对法关系的必要性,另一方面也是中国高层估计中法建交是 可能的。但伯尔尼会谈并未解决所有问题,其中法台关系问题将成为中法发展正常 关系的障碍之一。  相似文献   

12.
全球正在进入具有高度不确定性的”风险社会”时代,风险成为现代社会的重要 特征,并正在改变现代社会的运行逻辑与规则,人类社会的价值理念、行为方式正在 被系统化地重构,全球治理演变为”全球风险社会”治理。当前,全球风险治理的碎 片化、低效率现象严重,现有公共管理、国际治理方式还不能适应风险社会治理的要 求。现代社会是一个具有内生复杂性、测不准性、脆弱性等特征的复杂系统,复杂性 是全球风险社会形成的根本机理,全球风险社会治理离不开复杂性范式与中国参与。 系统研究全球风险社会形成的复杂性机制,构建面向全球风险社会治理的价值、文化 与机制,形成辨识、化解风险的协同治理及反脆弱能力,在理论和实践上具有重要的 价值。  相似文献   

13.
通过对马克思有关社会形态演进的四次论说的考察, 证明他的社会形态理论的核 心内容在于既肯定各民族社会形态从低级向高级发展规律的共同性, 又肯定他们发展 道路的多样性。他在19世纪晚期提出现代化后进国家可能不经过资本主义而建立社会 主义社会的理论设想, 是马克思社会形态理论的重大发展。中国共产党人提出的社会 主义初级阶段理论和建设有中国特色的社会主义理论, 是马克思主义社会形态理论的 最新发展。

关键词: 社会形态演进规律 “人类学笔记” “历史学笔记” 历史哲学

An examination of Marx’s exposition of the evolution of social formations on four occasions shows that the core content of his social formation theory consists in its affirmation of both the universality of the law of the development of social formations from lower to higher stages in different nations and the diversity of their developmental paths. The theoretical assumptions he put forward in the late 19th century about the possibility of late-developing modernizers being able to establish a socialist society without passing through the stage of capitalism represent a major development of his theory of social formations. The theory of the primary stage of socialism and the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics advanced by the Chinese Communists are the latest development of Marx’s theory of social formations.  相似文献   

14.
本文回顾了过去一个世纪政治学在中国的发展, 尤其是过去30年间的发展。其主 要观点是, 这个学科领域已经走过了两个阶段, 即“取经”与“效仿”。它正在进入 第三个阶段, 即本土化或中国化。不过, 即使对中国学者而言, 本土化也并非易事。本土化要求我们具有清晰的本土问题意识, 善于从我们独特的视角对中国和世界政治 现象进行创造性的思考, 并有意识地在思考过程中创造新关键词、新概念体系、新基 本假设、新分析框架、新研究方法, 最终把这种思考上升到一般性理 论。

关键词: 政治学 中国政治 学习 本土化

The article reviews the development of political science in China in the last century, especially in the last 30 years. It shows that the discipline has gone through two stages, namely, uncritical learning and gullible emulating. It is entering a new stage: conscious indigenization of political science. It argues that indigenization is not an easy task even for indigenous academics. Therefore a project of indigenization requires a conscious and active effort on their part. Without critical introspection, indigenization is impossible.  相似文献   

15.
国家、市场与传统文化是构成性别话语的三个基本要素。从改革开放前30年到后30年,中国社会的性别话语发生了明显转型,由国家主导的“泛政治化”模型转变为市场导向的“泛市场化”模型。市场化一方面改变了国家话语的叙述方式和内容,另一方面也导致了市场话语和传统话语的结盟。转型后的性别话语本质上是一种素质话语,它不再表现为一种由国家建构的、在实践中打了折扣的意识形态意义上的平等神话,而是表现为一种在现代性和个体自由的诉求中利用国家、市场和传统文化的各方力量平衡做出主体选择的精打细算的应对策略。

关键词: 性别话语转型市场化建构

State, market and traditional culture are the three fundamental elements constructing gender discourse. The three decades before the initiation of reform and opening up in 1978 and the three after have witnessed a clear transition in gender discourse in Chinese society, from state‐dominated pan‐politicization to a pan‐marketization orientation. Marketization has changed the content and form of state discourse and led to an alliance of market discourse with traditional discourse. The changed gender discourse is essentially a discourse of quality, one that is no longer presented as an ideological myth of equality constructed by the state and discounted in practice but as a set of deliberate response strategies which are adopted to make independent choices balancing the three forces of the state, the market and traditional culture in the midst of appeals for modernity and individual freedom.  相似文献   

16.
党的历史, 是党领导人民同国内外敌人进行斗争、实现民族解放和社会解放的历 史, 也是党和人民群众逐步建立和深化血肉联系、形成和完善群众路线的历史。没有 中国人民, 就没有中国共产党。正如人民群众从来就是党的生存和发展的根基, 群众 路线已经浸透中国共产党路线方针政策的所有方面, 成为中国共产党人深入骨髓的感 情和最终的信念, 成为中国共产党人的文化、道德、思维方式和生活方式, 成为党的 原动力和生命线。

关键词: 中国共产党 群众路线

The history of the Party is a history in which the Party led the people to fight with the domestic and foreign enemies to achieve national and social liberation, and also a history in which the Party gradually established and deepened its flesh-and-blood ties with the people and shaped and improved its mass line. Without the support of the Chinese people, there would be no Communist Party of China. The people has always been root of the Party’s survival and development, and the mass line has permeated into all aspects of the Party’s lines, principles and policies, thus becoming the Chinese Communists’ feelings and beliefs deep into the soul, their culture, ethics, ways of thinking, lifestyle, and driving force and lifeline.  相似文献   

17.
中国特色社会主义法律体系的形成为研究中国法律体系的结构、特色和发展趋势 奠定了现实基础。可以规范性法律文件的归属和法律规范的性质两个向度作为研究法 律体系的框架。前者的目的在于描述中国立法的现状, 后者旨在分析不同性质的法律 规范在各个法律部门的分布。改革开放以来, 由于市场经济、民主政治、和谐社会、 生态文明、法制建设和全球化的影响, 使各类法律规范在不同法律部门中的分布发生 有意义的变化, 这种变化一方面反映世界各国法律体系发展的共性, 另一方面又有鲜 明的中国特色。

关键词: 法律体系 法律规范 公法与私法 实体法与程序法 国际法与国内法

The formation of the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics has laid the practical foundations for studying the structure, features and trends of China’s legal system. Our framework for such study is constructed along two dimensions: the classification of normative legal documents and the nature of legal norms. The aim of the former is to describe the current situation of China’s legislation, while the purpose of the latter is to analyze the distribution of different legal norms in different branches of law. Since reform and opening up, under the impact of the market economy, democratic politics, the harmonious society, ecological civilization, the construction of a legal system and globalization, significant changes have taken place in the distribution of various legal norms in different legal fields. On the one hand, these changes reflect shared features of the development of legal systems across the world; on the other, they are stamped with strong Chinese characteristics.  相似文献   

18.
澳门是中国最早对外开放的港口城市之一。但它如何在明朝中国的体制下开放 给葡萄牙人,其性质和作用如何,曾经引起朝野内外的争论,也经历了一个漫长的 演变过程,并最终得以发展成为一个商业城市。澳门港口城市早期形成、发展的特 殊政治环境、行政形态和社会生活经验,造就了澳门“和而不同,不同而和”的特 性和传统,承传数百年而生生不灭。

关键词: 澳门、?港口开放、?城市建立、?政治争论、?历史作用

Macao was one of the earliest port cities in China to be opened to foreigners; but how, under the institutions of Ming dynasty China, it should be opened to the Portuguese, and what its character and function should be, were subjects that triggered controversy both at court and among non‐officials. It was only after a lengthy process of evolution that Macao finally developed into a commercial city. The special political environment, administrative patterns and social experiences of early Macao created a unique character and tradition of “harmony amidst difference, and difference amidst harmony” that was maintained for centuries with undiminished vitality.  相似文献   

19.
不断扩大的地区间差异困扰着中国发展, 并成为社会稳定的重要隐患。为了缓解 地区间差距可能引发的各种矛盾 ,中国政府在1994年分税体制改革之后确立了具有集 权倾向的财政收入垂直分配关系。通过财政资金的大规模双向流动, 这种财政收入垂 直分配关系促进了财政资金的跨区域配置和财政能力的地区间均等。但作为分权体制 的重要制度安排, 其在均衡地区间经济增长方面的作用却很有限, 主要表现为大规模 收入集中对经济发达地区的增长抑制。财政收入垂直分配关系的这些影响与地方财政 非税收入依赖程度以及中央专项补助水平存在明显交互作用, 前者显著弱化了财政收 入过度集中的不利增长效应, 后者却显著弱化了中央补助的增长激励。

关键词: 财政收入 集权倾向 均衡增长

Widening interregional disparity is an obstacle to China’s development and a serious latent threat to social stability. To alleviate conflicts that may arise from this disparity, the Chinese government established centrally-oriented vertical distribution of fiscal revenue following the 1994 tax-sharing reform. Through massive two-way funding flows, this vertical distribution has promoted the allocation of financial resources and equalization of fiscal capacity across regions. However, as an important institutional arrangement in decentralization, it has played a limited role in balancing interregional economic growth. This is mainly evident in the growth constraint on economically developed regions under large-scale revenue centralization. The effect of the vertical distribution of fiscal revenue clearly interacts with local reliance on non-tax revenue and the level of earmarked grant from the central government, with the former significantly weakening the anti-growth effect of excessive centralization of fiscal revenue and the latter markedly reducing the growth incentive of central government subsidies.  相似文献   

20.
China's health care reform of the 1990s has not yielded much success. The market‐oriented health system has resulted in declines in fairness of health services and efficiency of investment in the health sector. Further health care reform will be required. Among many options, asset‐based policy has demonstrated some potential in domestic policy development. To provide evidence to inform health policy development in China, this study focuses on the effects of household assets on health in China. Specifically, the current study examines how household assets may affect health status and how assets differ from income in predicting health status. Using a random sample of Chinese elderly, we find that asset holding in the form of household durables and household utilities has both direct and indirect effects on health status. Household assets directly affect access to medical care and indirectly affect health by influencing health behaviour and psychological condition. In other words, in addition to economic effects, household assets appear to have behavioural and psychological effects on health. Interestingly, these effects appear to be associated with assets, but not with income. Implications for asset building policy are suggested as a complement to existing health care models.

中国自20世纪90年代开始的卫生保健改革还没有取得很大成功。市场主导的医疗系统使卫生部门提供的健康服务无论在公平性和效率都有所下降。进一步的医疗保健改革是需要的。在众多的选择当中,以资产为基础的政策已显示出一定的潜力。为向中国的卫生政策发展提供证据,这项研究的重点是家庭资产在中国对健康的影响。具体来说,目前的研究探讨家庭资产如何影响健康状况,以及资产如何不同于收入来预测健康状况。作者用随机抽样的方法研究中国的老年人,发现家庭耐用消费品和家庭水电费都直接和间接影响健康状况。家庭资产直接影响到能否获得医疗照顾和间接影响有关影响健康的行为和心理状态。换言之,除了经济影响,家庭资产似乎对行为和心理健康有所影响。有趣的是,这些影响似乎是与资产相关,而并非收入。作者建议以资产建设政策补充现有的医疗保健模式。  相似文献   

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