A Comparative Analysis of Durkheim's Theory of Egoistic Suicide*

This paper reports a comparative cross-national test of Durkheim's theory of egoistic suicide, involving indicators of religious, family, and political integration. Linear and nonlinear multiple regression analysis showed that the relationships between religious integration and suicide and between political integration and suicide are inverse exponential functions of the form Y = ae^bX, while the relationship between family integration and suicide is linear. The relationships between the independent and dependent variables are strong and highly significant. Together, our indicators of religious, family, and political integration explain about 76 percent of the variation in international rates of suicide.     

Durkheim and the Homo Duplex: Anthropocentrism in Sociology

Previous analyses of anthropocentrism in sociological theory primarily attribute the origins of anthropocentrism in sociology to George Herbert Mead. This study addresses anthropocentrism in the influential works of David Émile Durkheim. At the core of Durkheim’s theory is his concept of the homo duplex, an inherent but tentative quality separating humans from all other animals. Durkheim uses the homo duplex as an ontological device, defining humanity as having the unique capacity to create and participate in the social. This collective process permits humans to transcend the profane, or what he observes as the immoral, passionate, animalistic individualism of nonhuman animals, into social solidarity: a realm generating morality and, ultimately, the sacred. This key distinction serves as the basis of all Durkheimian theory. This profound anthropocentrism becomes significant considering the degree of Durkheim’s influence on the field of sociology and the extent of anthropocentrism in sociology as a whole.     

Durkheim's Non-Social Facts about Primitives and Women*

Emile Durkheim's explanatory model of primitives and women is the theme of this investigation. A detailed examination of Durkheim's major work reveals an initial preoccupation with organic-psychic factors when analyzing primitive social life and the role of women in society. Only after extensive study of primitive religion and its crucial implications in the evolution of knowledge, do organic and psychic factors drop out of Durkheim's social facts approach.     

Durkheim's Concept of Anomie: Some Observations*

Most interpretations of anornie emphasize the normative aspect. However, Durkheim viewed anomie as involving more than a lack of norms or a conflict of norms. Discussions in The Division of Labor in Society and Suicide show that according to Durkheim the primary threats to social solidarity in modern societies are weak or ineffective structural constraints on individualistic needs and desires. In modern industrialized societies the primary mode of social control is not a set of rules or norms, although they do have a cohesive function, but the development of solidary, interdependent social relationships among diverse individuals. Crucial in the development of solidary social relationships is the rate and nature of social change. For modern or modernizing societies the most important form of social change is industrialization. If industrialization is too rapid then the likelihood of social inequality, economic crises, and family disruption is greater. New and solidary forms of social relationships are not allowed to develop properly. This results in weak constraints on individualistic needs and desires that have been “excited” by the industrialization.     

Continuity and Change in Durkheim's Theory of Social Solidarity*

This paper examines the controversial question of whether the theory of social solidarity contained in The Division of Labor in Society remained crucial to Durkheim's thinking after the book's publication in 1893. It is argued that this theory is rooted in a number of assumptions concerning primitive social life, the boundaries between nature and culture, and human nature. An analysis of material written after 1902 shows that Durkheim revised his approach to these topics to such an extent that he appears to be in the process of constructing a new theoretical framework for the investigation of social solidarity. In both the early and the later theories, however, the models of primitive social behavior, though different, perform similar intellectual functions.     

Structural Interpretation of Suicide

Abstract

Drawing upon longitudinal data collected from the same boys and girls in their early (13–14) and later (18–19) years of adolescence, this research models age at sexual debut, contraceptive risk-taking, and teenage pregnancy on the basis of family background and delinquency involvement during the early years of adolescence. The data also allow for control over the influence of social class while studying the effects of race, and vice-versa. Regression analyses showed that both race and delinquency independently predict age at sexual debut, but that SES, with race controlled, does not. Further analysis showed that contraceptive risk-taking was predicted by both age at sexual debut and early delinquency. With these variables controlled, however, neither SES nor race was predictive of contraceptive risk-taking. Finally, contraceptive risk-taking emerged as a substantial predictor of pregnancy.     

Reconsidering Durkheim's Assessment of Tarde: Formalizing a Tardian Theory of Imitation,Contagion, and Suicide Suggestion

Emile Durkheim summarily rejected Gabriel Tarde's imitation thesis, arguing that sociology need only concern itself with social suicide rates. Over a century later, a burgeoning body of suicide research has challenged Durkheim's claim to a general theory of suicide as 4 decades worth of evidence has firmly established that (1) there is a positive association between the publicization of celebrity suicides and a spike in the aggregate suicide rate, (2) some social environments are conducive to epidemic‐like outbreaks of suicides, and (3) suicidal ideas or behavior spreads to some individuals exposed to a personal role model's suicidal behavior—for example, a friend or family member. Revisiting Tarde, the article examines why Tarde's theory deserves renewed attention, elucidates what he meant by imitation, and then formalizes his “laws” into testable theses, while suggesting future research questions that would advance the study of suicide, as well as other pathologies. Each “law” is elaborated by considering advances in contemporary social psychology as well as in light of its ability to supplement Durkheim's theory in explaining the “outlier” cases.     

A Social Exchange Typology of Conjugal Relationships and Conflict Development*

In this article the authors attempt to demonstrate how the principles of social exchange, reciprocity and distributive justice can be used to explain the development and continuation of marital dissatisfaction and conflict. A typology of marital relationships is presented based upon the premise that marriages can be located on a continuum ranging from satisfying and voluntary to conflicted and nonvoluntary. Satisfying relationships are conceptualized as equitable reciprocal exchanges. Socially approved behaviors as well as deviant interpersonal responses which occur are seen as impersnal maneuvers which a spouse might utilize to restore an equitable balance of exchanges once the norm of equity has been violated. The type of strategy employed by a spouse will depend upon the relative power he/she possesses, the type of marriage in which the spouse is involved, and the availability of reinforcements which can be gained from sources external to the relationship. Practical suggestions for assessing the appropriateness of various forms of clinical intervention available to the therapist are discussed in the light of this typology and clinical implications are offered.     

Conformist and Deviant Behaviour in High School: the Merton Typology adapted to an Educational Context*

A l'aide de donnees recoltees aupres de 3 465 etudiants de lOe annee pour une autre etude, on examine la valeur heuristique de la typologie mertonienne de la conduite dans un contexte scolaire. La valeur qu'accordent les etudiants a l'instruction en tant qu'objectif defini par la culture fut identified et comparee a leurs attentes vis-a-vis l'acces aux etudes collegiales comme etant le moyen institutionnel approprie pour realiser cet objectif. Les etudiants furent classes en quatre groupes: les conformistes sont ceux qui accordent une grande importance a l'instruction, et dont le niveau des aspirations est eleve; les innovateurs tout en valorisant l'instruction exhibent un bas niveau d'aspirations; les ritualistes valorisent peu l'instruction mais nour-rissent de fortes ambitions; les retraitistes entretiennent peu d'attentes et ont peu d'attrait pour les etudes. Un certain nombre d'hypotheses decoulant du modele de Merton furent verifiees par les donnees utilisees. On espere ainsi inviter d'autres etudes qui pourront examiner la validite de ce modele dans le domaine scolaire. Data collected from 3465 grade ten students in connection with another study were used to examine the heuristic value of Merton's typology of behaviour in an educational context. The value students have for education as a “culturally definied goal,” was identified and compared to their expectations concerning the use of college attendance as the “institutionally appropriate means” of achieving the goal. Four classifications of students were developed: conformists are those with high value for education and high educational expectations; innovators have high values, but low expectations; ritualists have low values, but high expectations; and retreatists are those with low values and low expectations.     

Durkheim's Response to Spencer: An Essay Toward Historicism in the Historiography of Sociology*

Merton has made an important distinction between the “history” any “systematics” of sociological theory, and outlined the valuable functions of the former. Most histories of sociology, however, have been “presetist” or “Whiggish” in perspective; we propose an “historicist” alternative. Within this perspective, Durkheim's response to Spencer is analyzed in three areas: (1) the relation between “individual” and “society;” (2) evolution and social change; and (3) the scope and method of sociology. In these areas, Durkheim's critical style reveals a repetitive theme which is termed “inversion.” The essay concludes by re-affirming Merton's distinction and urging that the “historicist” perspective is the most valid and useful approach to the history of sociology.     

Suicide and Educational Attainment in a Transitional Society*

The sociological evidence available to date has not firmly established the relationship between suicide and social status. It is postulated here that societies in different stages of development may manifest different patterns of etiology of suicide, and thus the suicide rates of different social strata may change over time. Educational attainment is used as an indicator of social status, rather than “usual” occupations as in previous studies. From an analysis of a transitional society, it is concluded: first, the relation between suicide and social status is negative; and second, with coming societal changes, it is likely that the relation between suicide and social status will also change.     

Justice and the division of labour: a reconsideration of Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society*

Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society is re-evaluated in terms of its profound theoretical tensions. On the one hand, his analysis of an emergent organic solidarity assigns a central place to the values of individuality and justice, and articulates a critical methodology for determining their progressive realization. Justice becomes the overriding requirement of social evolution, and the condition for structural integration and normative legitimation. On the other hand, various empirical claims, as well as naturalistic and functionalist assumptions, allow for an overly easy, and quite un-Durkheimian, resolution of the problems posed by justice and individuality in a highly stratified division of labour. An attempt is made to understand how these profound tensions are sustained theoretically, and how Durkheim's own conception of the division of labour as socially interactive and morally constitutive can be rescued for a critical analysis committed to democratic and egalitarian reform.     

Searching for the Starting Points of Scientific Inquiry: Durkheim's Rules of Sociological Method and Schopenhauer's Philosophy*

Durkheim's methodological classic is frequently read from Kantian, positivistic, or other Enlightenment contexts despite the fact that Durkheim criticizes these doctrines. Durkheim also tends to be read as a deductive analyst. Using Schopenhauer's philosophy as an alternative starting point in reading the Rules, it is demonstrated that Schopenhauer and Durkheim agree that perceptual, inductive knowledge of “things” is superior to conceptual, deductive knowledge; that causal explanations are merely phenomenal; and that the one, well-designed experiment is sufficient for the establishment of scientific laws. Durkheim's distinction between the normal and the pathological is also addressed in this context. The implications of Durkheim's focus on induction are discussed with regard to its similarity to the works of Claude Bernard, Florian Znaniecki, and Max Weber, as well as current epistemological crises in sociology.     

Choosing Childlessness: Weber's Typology of Action and Motives of the Voluntarily Childless*

There has been little in‐depth theoretical study in sociology of the motives of women and men who are childless by choice. This article begins to remedy this deficiency by analyzing the motives articulated by twenty‐three childless women and men using Weber's typology of social action and distinction between primary and end motives. In‐depth interview and focus group data reveal that, compared to men, women more often were affected by the parenting models of significant others, saw parenting as conflicting with career and leisured identities, and claimed the lack of a “maternal instinct” or disinterest in children as dominant influences. Men more explicitly than women rejected parenthood because of its perceived sacrifices, including financial expense. Both women and men were motivated by personality traits that they deemed incongruent with good parenting. Declared motives especially demonstrated instrumentally rational action in Weber's schema, although affectual and value‐rational actions also were present. Respondent motives are compared to those that they, and empirical studies, have attributed to parents.     

Bachelorhood and Late Marriage: An Interactionist Interpretation*

This paper summarizes an exploratory investigation of the interactional careers of forty bachelors (men who had reached the age of 35 without marrying), twenty of whom later married. Depth interviewing was used to collect life history data establishing major career lines of specific heterosexual dyads as well as developments in preceding and paralleling universes of interaction. The findings support the contention that continuing social pressures rather than personal abnormalities of individual bachelors ultimately determine marital careers in that bachelorhood and late marriage are interactional products stemming from differential socialization and situational contingencies.