The United States and the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895

Abstract

In the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the United States claimed to be neutral, but was in fact pro-Japanese. Before the war, it repeatedly refused mediation requests by China and Korea and rejected Britain’s joint mediation proposal while tacitly agreeing to or inciting Japan’s launching a war. During the war, American diplomats, as wartime protectors of both Japanese and Chinese nationals, frequently went beyond the limits of international law to protect Japanese spies in China. As the only mediator between China and Japan, the United States rejected the joint mediation efforts of European powers and helped reduce international pressure on Japan. At the same time, it unilaterally convinced the Qing government to accept Japan’s aggressive demands so as to help Japan achieve its war aims. The main reason for the United States’ bias towards Japan was that it hoped to use Japan to end the tributary relationship between China and Korea in order to further open the door to China while weakening the influence of Britain and Russia in East Asia.     

东北边境军事要塞--日本侵略扩张的铁证

九一八事变后 ,日本帝国主义逐步把中国东北变成了扩大侵略战争的军事基地。出于侵略扩张的需要 ,从 193 4年至 1945年 ,日军先后三个时期在东北边境构筑了一系列军事要塞。这些要塞的构筑是日本帝国主义殖民扩张的直接产物 ,它不但见证了日本侵略中国的真实历史 ,也深刻揭露了日军的侵略行径     

日本思想史脉络中的中国--以竹内好的中国论述为例CSSCI

日本战败之后,经历战争的一代知识分子曾经为实现中日邦交正常化而致力于思想与知识生产,但随着世代更迭,战争记忆的传承在思想史上经历了一个断裂时期,而日本的学院体制也妨碍了其中国观的建设性发展。竹内好在这个时期敏锐地察觉到,日本社会对中国日益失去探求心的现象背后隐藏着一个巨大的危险,即在日本,中国有史以来第一次成为“未知国度”。中日之间为了真正消除战争,相互理解并不能仅仅停留在友好的层面,竹内好设想的“内在于日本的中国”至今对我们仍具有认识论的启示意义。     

《马关条约》与钓鱼岛列岛

日本政府对《马关条约》第二款第二条“割让台湾全岛及所有附属各岛屿”这一模糊性规定是别有用心的,其目的是借以掩盖其按既定之认识和策略去占领钓鱼岛列岛,避免清政府发觉和干扰,保证马关谈判从速进行.但日本为实现其野心,对此条款又是以清政府的理解为据,并以其他措施来保证,这是日本缔约时的合意情形.而后来对该条款的解释,无论是根据1969年《维也纳条约法公约》,抑或是现代世界的解释规则,都可解释出该条款包含我国钓鱼岛列岛在内.抗战期间,国民政府废除《马关条约》以及盟国达成之《开罗宣言》和《波茨坦公告》,为我国政府收复钓鱼岛列岛准备了充分的法律依据,对日本具有拘束力.而对于《旧金山和约》,日本政府同样也负有遵守、执行之义务,钓鱼岛列岛是其必须放弃之岛屿,也应无条件交还给中国.     

论抗日民族解放战争中的毛泽东

抗日战争是中国近代以来第一次取得完全胜利的反侵略战争,在抗日民族解放战争中,毛泽东正确地分析了全面抗战爆发后的形势和党面临的任务,适时领导我党我军实行军事战略的转变;科学地预见抗战历史进程;系统地阐明了持久战的理论和抗日游击战争的战略方针;在总结统一战线工作的经验教训的基础上,制定了抗日民族统一战线的策略总方针,完整地提出了同国民党顽固派斗争的政策和策略;全面总结了中国革命的经验教训,系统地论述了新民主主义革命理论;创造性地发动整风运动,使全党在马克思主义基础上达到了空前的团结和统一;领导召开党的第七次全国代表大会,制定出打败日本侵略者解放全国人民的政治路线和纲领,为抗日战争的胜利和夺取新民主主义在全国的胜利奠定了基础。     

从新古典现实主义看平成时代日本的防卫政策变化——兼论日本的和平路线能坚持多久?

运用新古典现实主义理论,以平成时代"本的防卫政策变化为分析对象,提出一个理论问题:"本平成时代的防卫政策变化,是被动因应威胁还是利用体系性契机主动调适目标和手段。通过对体制机制、军力结构等两个普遍性要素和"美安保体制、安保法制等两个特殊性要素的分析发现,冷战结束至今"本防卫政策的调整与发展,反映出"本政府具有明确主动意识与内因动力。不仅如此,平成时代"本防卫政策的调整与国家战略直接关联,对"本国家的未来走向产生了重要影响。     

日本新海洋安全战略中的对台政策

作为地理特征上的典型海洋国家,海洋安全战略是日本国家战略的重要组成部分,也是其对台政策的主要内在动力与依据.新世纪日本的海洋安全战略发生了不同于以往的显著变化,为实现最大限度拓展海洋安全空间的战略目标,遏制主要战略对手中国走向海洋,日本的对台战略表现为阻挠两岸以任何方式统一,同时力图控制台湾.反映在对台政策上就是积极谋求武力介入台海问题、加强日台安全关系、强化对台经济控制和社会文化渗透.对此,我们要从战略高度做好应对.     

France and the First Sino-Japanese War, 1894-1895

Around the time of the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War, France reiterated that it had no direct interest in the Korean issue, and professed to be an onlooker. But from the very beginning, in fact, France viewed the war as an opportunity to consolidate its alliance with Russia and further encroach on China’s southwest frontiers; it was therefore happy to see war break out between China and Japan, and took Russia’s position on stopping Britain from playing a dominant role in mediation between them. As the outcome of the war became clear, exposing Japan’s ambition to invade China, France turned from its wait-and-see attitude to intervention, taking an active part in the peacemaking activities of Russia, Britain and France and the triple intervention of Russia, France and Germany. In so doing, it attempted to safeguard general European interests and consolidate its alliance with Russia, as well as preventing Japan from replacing Europe as the dominant force in China. At the same time, it demanded a quid pro quo from the victim. During negotiation over the return of the Liaodong Peninsula, France put aside its conflicts with its old enemy Germany and endeavored to mediate in disputes between Germany and Russia so as to maintain concerted action under the triple intervention. It proposed to sacrifice the interests of China to satisfy the wishes of Japan and Russia for a swift resolution of the issue of the Liaodong Peninsula.     

Changes in the Chinese Population’s Fertility Intentions: 1980-2011

On the basis of the findings of 227 surveys of Chinese fertility intentions over the years 1980-2011, this paper investigates the longitudinal changes in fertility intentions through cross-temporal meta-analysis. It is found that the ideal number of children for the Chinese trended downwards from 1980, but since 2000 the average number has remained basically stable at 1.6 to 1.8. In the 1980s, people’s fertility levels were higher than their fertility intentions. With economic and educational progress in China, both fertility levels and fertility intentions showed a downward trend, with the former declining faster than the latter. Since 1990, people’s fertility levels have been lower than their fertility intentions; that is, their actual number of children has been less than their ideal number. This provides an empirical basis for examining the changes in China’s fertility intentions and fertility levels.     

Emergency Law in China: Its Formation,Present State and Future

中国非常法律的形成, 是为了应对紧急事件。这类法律由法律法规、应急预案和 军事法规等组成, 规定了战争状态、紧急状态和应急状态三种非常状态, 致力于建构 专业化大分工基础上的综合统一体制。在实践中, 应急预案取代了法律法规, 成为紧 急事件治理的基本规范依据; 政府和武装力量处于主导地位。中国非常法律基于必要 而形成, 其适用具有临时性, 主要内容具有授权性和预防性。非常法律未来发展的主 要目标是: 与中国特色社会主义法律体系衔接, 制定紧急状态下的基本法, 完善非常 法律的各项具体机制。

关键词: 非常状态 综合治理 执行主导 预防性法律

China’s emergency laws have emerged as a result of dealing with crises. They comprise laws and regulations, emergency plans, and military regulations, and define three exceptional or emergency states: war, emergency and emergency response, with the aim of constructing a comprehensive integrated system based on the specialized division of labor. In practice, however, emergency plans take the place of laws and regulations and provide the fundamental normative basis for tackling emergencies, with government and the military playing the dominant role. Developing out of necessity and possessing temporary applicability, China’s emergency laws are characterized by authorization and prevention. Integrating emergency law with the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics, formulating basic law for emergency situations and improving the specific mechanisms of emergency law should be regarded as major steps in its future development.     

二战时期日本的“国土计划”与殖民地台湾

日本帝国主义对台湾的殖民政策导向及活动形态,最终目的是把台湾彻底同化,并为此不断强化各项具体的殖民政策措施。在第二次世界大战期间日本策划制定的“国土计划”案中,包含:了对殖民地台湾产业及人口的分配计划等重要内容,成为针对包括本土及海外殖民地综合性开发计划的重要组成部分。1943年10月,由企画院策划制定了《中央计划草案》,其中针对台湾的计划案,继承了此前日本政府和台湾总督府制定的相关计划案。与其他殖民地地区相比,台湾的工业化构想并未受到重视,但该计划中有关工业生产目标远远高于实际状况,所以呈现了完成可能性极低的特征。虽然该计划加速了台湾对日本本土的经济性从属,但与朝鲜和中国华北地区相比,其在补充日本本土经济上的作用非常有限。     

历史与现实:中日海权战略之比较

日本近代海权战略形成于明治维新之际,发展于甲午战争和日俄战争之时,发达于两次世界大战期间。中国近代海权战略萌芽于鸦片战争之后,觉醒于甲午战争之后,成熟于辛亥革命之际。中日两国近代海权理论发展的非对称性,决定了两国在海防战略、海军发展战略、制海权战略等方面的分野,并直接导致了中国在甲午战争和抗日战争两次海战中的受挫。21世纪是海洋世纪,中国要想成为海洋强国必须对近代海权战略做全面反思。本文通过中日近代海权战略的比较,总结经验教训,对于中国未来海权战略的制定有着深远的启示意义。     

China’s first priority in post-war state building: A wealthy state,or a strong army?

This analysis examined causal links in China’s defence–growth nexus in 1960–2016. The results show that better growth significantly reduces military-civilian ratio and propels military reforms. The unidirectional threshold causality from growth to defence shows that the military impact on a positive change in China’s growth is little in the long term. Conversely, the growth impact of a positive change in defence has accelerated after it reaches the threshold year in 1987. This finding explains why Chinese economy stagnated when defence was prioritised and why China has risen dramatically in the Far East after three decades of fast economic growth.     

Some issues arising in the analysis of the development level of cultural and welfare service

ABSTRACT

A crucial factor in the shaping of state policy for social work and development is to satisfy various needs in people’s living. The work of satisfying people’s demand for enhanced well-being and the elimination of inequalities in their living is realised through the activity called cultural and welfare service. On the basis of theoretical research on other kinds of services, in this paper, we conceptualised cultural and welfare service that seeks to satisfy various demands in people’s living, set main indicators characterising its development level and suggest a methodology for analysing it.     

抗日战争：中华民族重新崛起的历史转折点

中国人民的抗日战争,是近代中国反对外敌入侵第一次取得完全胜利的民族解放战争,创造了半殖民地弱国打败帝国主义强国的奇迹;抗日战争是世界反法西斯战争的东方主战场,有力地支援了世界人民的和平事业,也极大地提升了中国的国际影响力;抗日战争使中国正式解脱了一切不平等条约的枷锁,雪洗了百年耻辱,开始以平等的地位站立于国际政治舞台上;抗日战争是中华民族大团结的象征,锻炼了中国共产党和中国人民,进一步提升了中华民族的向心力和凝聚力。抗日战争的胜利,成为中华民族由衰败走向振兴的历史转折点。     

浅析印尼对外商投资的法律规制

印度尼西亚与贸易有关的法律主要包括《海关法》、《政府投资条例》以及新修订的《投资法》等。印尼的投资环境受到传统观念、政局的稳定性、军警社会化以及公职人员腐败等因素的影响。在目前印尼社会背景下,我国应把握好其政治转型过程中对我国政策的变化,关注对华人政策的变化以及充分利用好国际贸易规则与国内法律,加强重点领域的贸易,以促进中印（尼）之间的贸易与投资。     

On the Innovation of Literary Theory in China

Abstract

China’s rise has increased concerns about innovation in China’s indigenous literary theory. How to create theories with a “China style” and global influence has become a serious challenge for the development of contemporary Chinese literary theory. Three strategies are noteworthy in meeting this challenge. First, “amateurism in professionalism” can be used to offset the constraints of increasing disciplinization and professionalization in literary theory. Second, critical rationality needs to be cultivated among researchers and in institutional forms in order to alter the present lack of rational and vigorous debate, criticism and dialogue. Third, we need to reconstruct “grand narratives,” so as to make a unique contribution to the world in terms of universal values, meanings and ethics through transforming and advancing traditional Chinese thought.     

中美日印对中南半岛国家影响力的测度与分析

制衡中国在中南半岛国家的影响力是美国、日本、印度等域外大国介入中南半岛国家事务的主要战略目标.科学合理地测度中国和域外大国在中南半岛国家影响力的变化,既是对中国崛起所处地缘环境准确认识的需要,也是中国周边地缘关系研究的重要议题.本文基于国家间实力比例关系和不对称依赖关系,构建了国家对外影响力模型,定量测度了2000~2018年中美日印四国对中南半岛国家影响力.研究结果表明:第一,中国对中南半岛国家影响力呈持续上升趋势,美国和日本总体上呈下降趋势,印度相对稳定;第二,中国对老挝和缅甸的影响力在2012年和2016年均出现了下降,同时期的美国、日本和印度对老挝和缅甸的影响力并没有提升,表明中国与美日印对中南半岛国家影响力变化并不存在“我降—你升”的逻辑关系;第三,美日印三国在体系和战略层面给中国对外影响力带来了一些压力,在中南半岛国家层面上对中国影响力提升的影响有限;第四,国家间实力地位高低是决定国家对外影响力大小的主导因素,不对称依赖中获得的影响力大小是决定国家对外影响力大小的制约因素.     

日本电力工业发展中政府的作用——电力统制体制前史研究

电力事业在近代日本社会的推进及其所带来的电力使用普及,被视为日本近代史上的第一次能源革命。与同时期展开的产业革命一样,电力事业是在中央政府指导和监督下推进的,同时受到国家战略政策的影响和限制。国家对电力事业的参与乃至介入,不仅出现在“战时统制经济”时期,而是贯穿于整个电力事业发展的始终。通过对电力开发和电力市场形成过程的考察,可以看出在20世纪30年代以前日本电力事业发展的“自由竞争时代”,中央政府虽未对民营电力和电力消费展开全面管制,但由于“强兵政策”与对外扩张政策的实施,仍然对电力事业的展开方式、电力消费市场的形成和走向起到了决定性作用。与此同时,在“电力统制”的构想下,政府不断强化电力行政,这也为此后战时“总体战体制”下的电力统制奠定了基础。     

Arms races in the developing world: some policy implications

An arms race exists when a country’s propensity to acquire arms is influenced by a potential adversary’s military spending. When evaluating the impact of economic policies towards the developing world, e.g., foreign assistance programs, it is important to identify if an arms race exist between dyads of recipient nations. The reason is that if the impact of the policy is favorable to the country deemed to be “causing” an arms race, then the policy will not only increase the amount of weapons of the recipient country, but of the other as well. This will increase the probability of war if it is positively related to the stock of weapons of these adversaries.Consequently, this paper investigates the direction of prima facie casual relationship between the military expenditures of potential adversaries in the developing world by using parametric causality tests. We conclude that some of these country’s expenditures seem to reflect an arms race while other proposed dyads seem not to be adversaries, i.e., their expenditures are independent and therefore seem to be governed by other than an external threat.