Inter‐industry Inequality: An Important Source of the Urban Income Gap—Regression‐based Decomposition

基于回归方程的收入差距分解发现,1988年、1995年和2002年,行业间收入不平等对中国城镇居民收入差距的贡献越来越大,而且这主要是由一些收入迅速提高的垄断行业造成的。同时,区位、教育、所有制和职业类型以及是否有第二职业对收入差距的贡献也在提高,是否完全就业和年龄对收入差距的贡献明显下降。因此,缩小中国城镇收入差距,亟需打破劳动力市场进入壁垒和产品市场行业垄断。此外,减轻地区间的劳动力流动障碍、普遍提高劳动者的受教育水平等措施也将是未来政府缩小城镇收入差距的重要政策着力点。

关键词: 行业垄断?收入差距分解?夏普里值

Regression‐based decomposition of inter‐industry earnings differentials shows that in 1988, 1995 and 2002, inter‐industry earnings differentials made an increasing contribution to urban earnings inequality in China. The primary reason for the widening gap lay in monopoly industries. At the same time, geographical location, educational level, type of enterprise ownership, type of occupation and whether the individual had a second job also contributed to rising earnings inequality, while age and being fully employed made a decreasing contribution. Therefore, if China is to reduce the earnings gap it is imperative that we remove barriers to labor market entry and break down some monopoly industries in the product market. Additionally, reducing obstacles to the free movement of labor and improving workers' educational level should also be important elements of the government's strategy for reducing the urban income gap in future.     

Labor Market Segmentation,Job Mobility and the Two-track Model of Chinese Urban Workers’ Acquisition of Economic Status

使用“2009年中国社会网络与职业经历调查” (JSNET2009) 广州、上海、厦门、 济南和西安五城市数据, 检验了改革以后影响中国城市劳动者职业流动模式以及经济 地位获得的因素。研究结果表明, 高学历劳动者与低学历劳动者群体处于两个分割的 劳动力市场中, 他们的经济地位获得路径完全不同。对于低学历劳动者, 职业流动是 提升他们收入水平的最重要因素, 而人力资本因素 (受教育年限和工作经验) 对他们 的收入没有影响。高学历劳动者的情况刚好相反, 职业流动对收入获得没有任何作 用, 影响他们收入分层的最重要因素是人力资本。本研究揭示了转型期中国城市地区 不同劳动力市场劳动者的经济地位获得的二元路径模式。

关键词: 劳动力市场分割 职业流动 收入分层 人力资本回报

Using data from the “Survey of Social Networks and Occupational Experience in Chinese Cities in 2009” on five cities (Guangzhou, Shanghai, Xiamen, Jinan and Xi’an), this paper examines factors influencing Chinese urban workers’ patterns of job mobility and acquisition of economic status in the post-reform era. The results show that workers with high educational levels and those with low educational levels occupy different segments of the labor market and have completely different paths to economic status acquisition. In the case of workers with a low educational level, job mobility is the most important factor boosting income levels, while human capital variables (years of schooling and work experience) have no effect on income. By contrast, job mobility has no effect on the income of workers with a high educational level, whose income stratification is most affected by their human capital. This research reveals the two-track model of urban workers’ acquisition of economic status in different urban labor markets in transitional China.     

Market Reform and the Widening of the Income Gap

在市场化过程中,中国出现了收入差距不断扩大的趋势,从而社会上出现了一些将收入差距扩大的原因归结为市场化改革的错误认识。本文通过对我国改革开放以来收入分配格局变化的主要特点和导致收入差距扩大的原因加以细致实证分析, 对一些模糊认识加以澄清。本文认为在个人收入差距扩大的诸多因素中,传统计划 体制遗留下来的一些制度和政策,在部门利益和地方利益驱使下新形成的有悖于市 场体制规则的制度和政策,政府对市场缺失和市场扭曲采取的不作为态度,对资本 节制和劳动保护的不足,政府对经济的过度干预,成为导致收入差距扩大和收入分 配不公的最重要因素。

关键词: 收入差距?改革?城乡?中国

In the course of marketization in China, there has been a trend for the income gap to become ever wider. Some people have mistakenly attributed the gap to market reforms. This article provides a detailed empirical analysis of the changes in income distribution patterns and the reasons for the increasing income gap to clear up such misunderstandings. We believe the most important factors in the widening of the income gap and unequal income distribution are institutions and policies inherited from traditional economic planning; newly emerging systems and policies driven by departmental and local interests that run counter to market laws; lack of government action on gaps or distortions in the market; insufficient capital regulation and labor protection; and excessive government intervention in the economy.     

Asset‐based policy in rural China: an innovation in the retirement social insurance programme1

In response to growing rural–urban inequality, China is undertaking a series of policy initiatives to promote rural development. In addition to redistributive policy aiming at social protection, asset‐based policy, which integrates social protection and social investment, are a viable option for progressive rural development. In 1998, the Hutubi local government in Xinjiang, China, implemented an innovative retirement programme that allows account holders to use accounts as legal collateral to borrow small loans and invest in productive assets, education, and small businesses. Using the data gathered by the programme organizers and in‐depth interviews with programme participants, this case study closely examines the Hutubi programme. We examine the programme's key features, which have effectively encouraged asset building in a rural community, and identify the programme's strengths and weaknesses. The success of the Hutubi programme has implications for asset‐based policy development in rural China.

为了回应城乡日益扩大的不平等, 中国现正实施一系列新政策以鼓励农村发展。 除了以社会保护为目的的再分配政策外, 资产为本的政策综合了社会保护和社会投资, 是推进农村进步性发展的可行选择。 1998年, 中国新疆呼图壁地区政府实施了崭新的养老计划, 容许户口持有人利用保险户口作为法律担保, 借出小额贷款及投资在具有效益的资产、教育及小型企业上。

透过项目组织者所收集的数据, 以及与参与者进行的深入访谈, 本研究个案将详细剖析呼图壁项目。 我们检视了项目的主要特征, 这些特征有效地促成了农村社区资产的建立。 我们还分析了项目的优缺点。 呼图壁项目的成功对中国农村实行资产为本的政策发展有着深远的启示。     

Black cat,white cat: a pragmatic and collaborative approach to evidence‐based social work in China

Current thinking suggests that evidence‐based practice (EBP) is a key to unlocking the potential for social work development in mainland China. But Chinese social workers may be confronted by the challenges of EBP in using research evidence, exercising expert judgment, as well as considering client characteristics, as social work is a relatively new enterprise in China's unique social–economic–political context. There is little indigenous research evidence for Chinese social workers to refer to. There are few experienced social workers and researchers since social work practice, education and research were reinstated only in the late 1980s. Mainland Chinese may not be aware of what social workers can do and may prefer authority‐based practice. This paper aims to first review the definition of EBP, followed by a discussion of the challenges and opportunities in applying EBP to social work in China. It then highlights the usefulness of collaboration between academics, practitioners, and clients in implementing EBP. A recent research project on ex‐offenders and their family members in Singapore is used to illustrate the feasibility of collaboration between academia and the field.

当前的理论认为， 以证据为本的实践是一个解开中国大陆社会工作重新发展潜能的钥匙。 然而， 中国社会工作者在运用研究证据、行使专业判断及考虑服务使用者的特质时， 或许会遇到实证为本的挑战， 因为在中国独特的社会、经济及政治环境下， 社会工作是一个相对地新兴的专业， 没有太多本土化的研究证据可供中国社会工作者参考。 同时， 因为社会工作实践、教育及研究在1980年代末期才得以复苏， 也没有太多富有经验的社会工作者及研究人员。 中国内地民众或许未曾意识到社会工作者能够做什么， 宁可依据以权威为本的实践。 本文的主要目的首先是检视以证据为本的实践的定义， 然后讨论在中国应用以证据为本的实践的挑战及机遇。 文章突出了在引用以证据为本的实践时， 学术界、前线工作者及服务使用者相互合作的益处。 藉一项在新加坡进行的前刑事犯人及其家人的近期研究成果， 以说明学术界与社会工作界合作的可行性。     

Vertical Distribution of Fiscal Revenue and Its Effect on Balancing Economic Growth

不断扩大的地区间差异困扰着中国发展, 并成为社会稳定的重要隐患。为了缓解 地区间差距可能引发的各种矛盾 ,中国政府在1994年分税体制改革之后确立了具有集 权倾向的财政收入垂直分配关系。通过财政资金的大规模双向流动, 这种财政收入垂 直分配关系促进了财政资金的跨区域配置和财政能力的地区间均等。但作为分权体制 的重要制度安排, 其在均衡地区间经济增长方面的作用却很有限, 主要表现为大规模 收入集中对经济发达地区的增长抑制。财政收入垂直分配关系的这些影响与地方财政 非税收入依赖程度以及中央专项补助水平存在明显交互作用, 前者显著弱化了财政收 入过度集中的不利增长效应, 后者却显著弱化了中央补助的增长激励。

关键词: 财政收入 集权倾向 均衡增长

Widening interregional disparity is an obstacle to China’s development and a serious latent threat to social stability. To alleviate conflicts that may arise from this disparity, the Chinese government established centrally-oriented vertical distribution of fiscal revenue following the 1994 tax-sharing reform. Through massive two-way funding flows, this vertical distribution has promoted the allocation of financial resources and equalization of fiscal capacity across regions. However, as an important institutional arrangement in decentralization, it has played a limited role in balancing interregional economic growth. This is mainly evident in the growth constraint on economically developed regions under large-scale revenue centralization. The effect of the vertical distribution of fiscal revenue clearly interacts with local reliance on non-tax revenue and the level of earmarked grant from the central government, with the former significantly weakening the anti-growth effect of excessive centralization of fiscal revenue and the latter markedly reducing the growth incentive of central government subsidies.     

The Impact of Occupational Characteristics on Income Differences among Urban Employees in China

职业是决定就业人员劳动收入, 继而影响居民收入差距程度的重要变量。本文利 用国家统计局2005年全国1%人口抽样调查数据中的子样本, 对职业与收入差别之间的 关系做了经验分析, 结果发现职业间收入差距可以解释城镇就业人员收入总体差距的12-17%。造成这种差别的主要原因有二: 一是由于各职业对就业人员人力资本上的要 求有差异, 从而导致了职业间劳动要素报酬上的差异; 二是劳动力市场、地区分割所 带来的不同职业间人员自由流动的障碍, 造成了这种收入差别。前一种原因强调了人 力资本的作用, 这应当是市场化改革的积极成效; 而后一种原因反映的却是现阶段的 市场化改革还不彻底。因此, 为了缩小职业间不合理的收入差距, 我们还应进一步深 化改革, 尽可能地排除由于市场、地区分割造成的不同职业间人员自由流动的障碍。

关键词: 职业 收入差异 差异分解 市场分割

Occupation is an important variable that determines employees’ labor income and thereby influences income differences among residents. On the basis of the subsample of data from the One Percent National Population Sample Survey conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics in China in 2005, this paper conducts an empirical analysis of the relationship between occupation and income differences. It finds that inter-occupational income differences explain 12-17 percent of the total income disparity among urban employees. This inter-occupational income disparity is mainly caused by the fact that, first, different occupations have varying human capital requirements, leading to different labor remuneration, and second, labor market and regional segmentation impede the free flow of labor across different occupations. The first factor highlights the role of human capital, and should be seen as a positive effect of market-oriented reform, while the second reflects the incompleteness of this reform at the present stage. Therefore, to narrow unreasonable inter-occupational income gaps, we need to intensify reform and do our best to remove barriers hindering free mobility between occupations.     

Cultural Feedback and Intergenerational Transmission in Artifact Civilization

“文化反哺”是理解处在急速变迁时代中国社会代际关系的一个本土性概念, 它 在由全球化和社会转型所共同引发的变迁维度上理解中国社会代际关系的颠覆或倒置 现象, 将急速变迁时代所发生的年长一代向年轻一代进行广泛的文化吸收现象视为新 的文化传承模式。在新兴食品、移动电话和电子计算机三类现代器物的传播与选择过 程中, 突出表现出代际倾斜、去中心化和数字鸿沟趋势, 而在器物文明传承过程中 出现的这种代际颠覆现象, 是30年改革开放或社会变迁带给中国人的心理体验的一部 分, 它在精神层面上赋予中国经验以完整的价值和意义。

关键词: 文化反哺 器物文明 代际传承 中国体验

“Cultural feedback” (wenhua fanbu, literally “cultural reverse feeding”), an indigenous concept coined to facilitate the understanding of intergenerational relations in China’s drastically changing society, focuses on the subversion or reversal of conventional intergenerational relations in the light of changes triggered jointly by globalization and social transformation and views the extensive absorption of emerging cultural elements by the older generation from the young generation as a new mode of transmission. The process of the dissemination and selection of three kinds of modern artifacts—new foods, cell phones and computers—highlights the intergenerational tilt, the phenomenon of decentralization and the trend towards a digital divide. The subversion of conventional intergenerational relations in the process of the transmission of artifact civilization, as a significant part of Chinese psychological reactions to over three decades of reform and opening up, is indispensable to the psychological integrity of Chinese experience.     

Household assets and health in China: evidence and policy implications

China's health care reform of the 1990s has not yielded much success. The market‐oriented health system has resulted in declines in fairness of health services and efficiency of investment in the health sector. Further health care reform will be required. Among many options, asset‐based policy has demonstrated some potential in domestic policy development. To provide evidence to inform health policy development in China, this study focuses on the effects of household assets on health in China. Specifically, the current study examines how household assets may affect health status and how assets differ from income in predicting health status. Using a random sample of Chinese elderly, we find that asset holding in the form of household durables and household utilities has both direct and indirect effects on health status. Household assets directly affect access to medical care and indirectly affect health by influencing health behaviour and psychological condition. In other words, in addition to economic effects, household assets appear to have behavioural and psychological effects on health. Interestingly, these effects appear to be associated with assets, but not with income. Implications for asset building policy are suggested as a complement to existing health care models.

中国自20世纪90年代开始的卫生保健改革还没有取得很大成功。市场主导的医疗系统使卫生部门提供的健康服务无论在公平性和效率都有所下降。进一步的医疗保健改革是需要的。在众多的选择当中，以资产为基础的政策已显示出一定的潜力。为向中国的卫生政策发展提供证据，这项研究的重点是家庭资产在中国对健康的影响。具体来说，目前的研究探讨家庭资产如何影响健康状况，以及资产如何不同于收入来预测健康状况。作者用随机抽样的方法研究中国的老年人，发现家庭耐用消费品和家庭水电费都直接和间接影响健康状况。家庭资产直接影响到能否获得医疗照顾和间接影响有关影响健康的行为和心理状态。换言之，除了经济影响，家庭资产似乎对行为和心理健康有所影响。有趣的是，这些影响似乎是与资产相关，而并非收入。作者建议以资产建设政策补充现有的医疗保健模式。     

Changes in Diplomatic Philosophy in the Course of China’s Growth since 1949—The Shift from a Revolutionary and National Perspective to a Developmental and Global Outlook

观察国际和外交问题的视角与观念变化，是中华人民共和国外交史研究中尚需探讨和梳理的课题。在新中国成立后的前30年，中国外交深受在革命过程中形成的外交观念的影响。其基本诉求是建立新型外交关系，核心观念是独立自主与和平，外交政策的基石是和平共处五项原则；此外，国际统一战线策略，对现实世界的战略划分，以及对战争、和平与革命的思考亦对这一时期的外交政策具有重大影响。自20世纪70年代末实行改革开放以来，中国外交转以发展为视角，配合国家经济建设这一中心任务，做出一系列战略和政策调整。中国对国际形势作出和平与发展的新判断，对独立自主的和平外交政策作了新诠释，致力于建立均衡的对外关系，主张以渐进方式推动国际秩序的改进，决心走和平发展道路。中国由此成为现存国际秩序的参与者和建设者。进入21世纪，中国成为令世界瞩目的新兴大国，外交观念也在继承以往的基础上与时俱进。中国强调当代世界是命运共同体，谋求与各国的合作、共赢     

From State Dominance to Market Orientation: The Composition and Evolution of Gender Discourse

国家、市场与传统文化是构成性别话语的三个基本要素。从改革开放前30年到后30年,中国社会的性别话语发生了明显转型,由国家主导的“泛政治化”模型转变为市场导向的“泛市场化”模型。市场化一方面改变了国家话语的叙述方式和内容,另一方面也导致了市场话语和传统话语的结盟。转型后的性别话语本质上是一种素质话语,它不再表现为一种由国家建构的、在实践中打了折扣的意识形态意义上的平等神话,而是表现为一种在现代性和个体自由的诉求中利用国家、市场和传统文化的各方力量平衡做出主体选择的精打细算的应对策略。

关键词: 性别话语转型市场化建构

State, market and traditional culture are the three fundamental elements constructing gender discourse. The three decades before the initiation of reform and opening up in 1978 and the three after have witnessed a clear transition in gender discourse in Chinese society, from state‐dominated pan‐politicization to a pan‐marketization orientation. Marketization has changed the content and form of state discourse and led to an alliance of market discourse with traditional discourse. The changed gender discourse is essentially a discourse of quality, one that is no longer presented as an ideological myth of equality constructed by the state and discounted in practice but as a set of deliberate response strategies which are adopted to make independent choices balancing the three forces of the state, the market and traditional culture in the midst of appeals for modernity and individual freedom.     

Factors Influencing Migrant Workers' Employment and Earnings—The Role of Education and Training

在城市劳动力市场上,农村劳动力根据个人的人力资本积累状况和当地的劳动力 市场条件,在成为自我经营者和工资收入者之间进行就业选择。简单的Mincer工资方 程回归结果显示,工资收入者比自我经营者的教育回报率高出2个百分点左右。在矫 正了样本选择偏差之后,拓展的Mincer工资方程对工资收入者的教育回报率估计结果 在5.3%-6.8%之间。从培训角度看,简单培训、短期培训和正规培训对农民工再流动 都有显著作用,但简单培训对农民工的工资收入作用不显著,而短期培训和正规培训 则对其工资收入有着重要的决定作用。此外,工资拖欠等权益保护问题也对农村劳动 力再流动有重要影响。在处理农民工的个人异质性和教育内生性问题时,本文还发现 父母受教育年限不是一个理想工具变量。

关键词: 农民工?就业选择?再流动?教育与培训的回报率?处理效应模型

In the urban labor market, the rural labor force can choose whether to become self‐employed or work for wages depending on their stock of human capital and local labor market conditions. A simple Mincer earnings regression shows that the rate of return to schooling for wage earners is two percentage points higher than that for the self‐employed. After correcting for bias in sample selection, the expanded Mincer earnings equation estimated the rate of return to schooling for wage earners at between 5.3 and 6.8 percent. From the standpoint of training, we found that the simplest form of training, short‐term training and formal training played an important role in promoting migrant workers' repeat mobility. However, the simplest form of training did not have a significant effect on earnings, whereas short‐term and formal training played an important determining role in this respect. Moreover, rights protection issues such as wage arrears also had an important effect on migrant workers' repeat mobility. In handling heterogeneity and endogenous educational variables among migrant workers, the authors found that the years of schooling of the parents of migrant workers were not an ideal instrumental variable.     

Has the Lewis Turning Point Arrived in China?—Theoretical Analysis and International Experience

各国农业劳动力占总劳动力的比重随着各国人均GDP增长呈现先加速下降而后减 速下降的趋势, 分界点就是刘易斯转折点。跨国平行数据的回归结果表明, 刘易斯转 折点在人均GDP为3,000-4,000美元 (购买力平价2000年国际美元) 之间出现。中国的 人均GDP超越了这一水平, 但农业劳动力比重远高于该经济发展水平下的世界平均水 平, 这很可能意味着中国的农业劳动力转移仍有较大潜力。

关键词: 刘易斯转折点 劳动力转移 跨国平行数据

Using World Bank cross-country panel data to estimate the economic development level that corresponds to the Lewis turning point, we find that as GDP per capita increases, the share of rural labor in the total labor force tends to decrease first at an accelerated rate and then, after passing the Lewis turning point, at a reduced rate. Regression analysis of cross- country panel data shows that the Lewis turning point is reached when GDP per capita reaches somewhere between US$3,000 and US$4,000 dollars (PPP, constant international US dollars for the year 2000). GDP per capita in China has exceeded this level, but the proportion of rural labor in the total labor force remains much higher than the average for countries at the same level of economic development. This may imply that there is still considerable potential for rural labor transfer in China.     

Urbanization of Migrant Workers and Expansion of Domestic Demand

本文从一般均衡的视角，揭示农民工市民化与扩大内需的关系。中国之所以要立 足内需发展经济，应对外需下滑只是一个短暂的原因，其根本原因在于改变当前经济 内外失衡和产业结构失衡的“双失衡”格局，以及充分利用国内市场优势更好更快实 现工业化的需要。如果采取切实措施加快农民工市民化进程，则其潜在的消费需求就 可以充分释放出来。这不仅有助于抵消外需下滑对经济增长的负面影响，而且有助于 中国经济摆脱“双失衡”格局，全面提升中国工业化和城市化水平。

关键词: 农民工市民化?扩大内需?中国经济

This paper explores, from the perspective of general equilibrium, the relationship between urbanizing migrant workers and increasing domestic demand. Why should China adopt the strategy of relying on domestic demand to develop its economy? Countering the impact of declining external demand is only a temporary reason for doing so, and the more fundamental reason is the need to change the “dual imbalance” in today's economy: the imbalance between internal and external economic arrangements and the industry structural imbalance, as well as the need to take full advantage of the domestic market to achieve the goal of industrialization. The latent consumption demand of migrant workers will be fully released if realistic measures are taken to accelerate the pace of turning migrant workers into urban residents. This will help neutralize the negative impact of reduced external demand, as well as rectifying the structural imbalances in the Chinese economy and upgrading China's industrialization and urbanization.     

Loneliness: A Psychological Turning Point in the Reconstruction of the Urban Order in China

孤独是主体与对象（自然、社会、信仰）相疏离的深度心理体验，个体的孤独源 于主体需要与实现可能性、主体超越意识与超越有限性之间的悲剧冲突。孤独的作用 是多层面、多向度和辩证的，对城市秩序而言，孤独是建构性与消解性的统一。在现 代性的作用下，孤独率先在西方成为现代社会特别是现代城市社会的普遍心理现象， 在当今快速现代化的中国，城市社会的孤独不仅具有城市世界的普遍共性，其传统文 化中家宗教、家信仰的抽离必然使中国的城市孤独具有鲜明的本土化特征。因此，从 中国实际出发，探索构建心理秩序、城市秩序的具体路径十分必要。

关键词: 孤独?现代性?城市社会?心理秩序?家宗教

Loneliness can be best described as a kind of first‐hand, painful experience etched in the inner world of an individual's psyche. It arises from some degree of estrangement between the subject and the object (nature, society and beliefs). The root causes of individual loneliness lie in the unfortunate tension between the needs of the subject and the possibility of realizing these needs, the consciousness of transcendence on the part of the subject and the limited extent of this transcendence. The impacts of loneliness are multi‐layered, multi‐dimensional and dialectical. Relative to urban order, loneliness can be regarded as a unity of construction and dissolution. As a result of modernity, loneliness is, first in the West, becoming a universal psychological phenomenon in modern societies, particularly the modern urban societies. Since China is now undergoing rapid modernization, loneliness in China's urban society parallels that in urban societies around the world. The weakening of the family worship and beliefs traditionally found in Chinese society gives loneliness in urban China a localized coloration.

It is thus very necessary to proceed from China's realities to explore practical measures to construct a sound psychological and urban order in contemporary China.     

The Reform and Development of the Decision-making System in Contemporary China

中国的决策体制是中国政治体制的中枢系统, 也是决定中国发展的关键因素。以 中国共产党为领导核心的决策体制是在中国共产党领导革命、创建新中国的长期历史 中形成的, 具有其历史合理性。决策体制从建立到改革开放前呈现集中化的趋势。决 策权力日趋集中的体制, 存在着决策结构专业化分工程度不高、制度化程度低、偏重 经验决策、决策过程封闭和缺乏自我修正与调节机制等弊端。改革开放后, 决策体制 改革的重点, 是在决策结构、决策方式和决策机制三个主要方面推进决策的民主化、 科学化和法治化建设。决策体制改革的实践证明, 以决策民主化、科学化和法治化为 导向的决策体制改革, 成功应对了中国由经济和社会迅速变迁所带来的各种挑战。从 政治发展的角度看, 决策体制改革呈现出的基本趋势是: 从个人决策向民主决策、从 经验决策向科学决策、从决策组织高度集中向决策组织结构分化、从封闭式决策向开 放式决策、从被动参与决策向自主参与决策、从决策非制度化向决策制度化转变。一 个中国共产党主导、多方参与、科学论证、过程开放、依法运行的决策模式在决策体 制改革的实践中初步形成。

关键词: 决策体制 集中决策 民主决策 科学决策 依法决策

The decision-making system is the backbone of China’s political system and a crucial factor determining its development. The decision-making system with the CPC lying at the core results from the CPC’s long history of leading China’s revolution and establishing the People’s Republic of China; therefore it has historical rationality. Decision-making was centralized over the period from the foundation of the PRC to reform and opening up. This centralized decision-making system had faults such as a low level of specialized division of labor, low institutionalization, an undue emphasis on experience, a closed decision-making process and the absence of any self-correcting and adjustment mechanisms. The reform of China’s decision-making system in the post-reform period has attached much importance to promoting democratic, scientific and law-based decision-making with regard to decision- making structures, modes and mechanisms. Practice proves that this reform has successfully met the challenges arising from rapid social and economic transition. Viewed from the perspective of political development, it involves an evolution from personal to democratic, from experience-based to scientific, from centralized to decentralized, from closed to open, from passive to active participation and from non-institutionalized to institutionalized decision-making. A decision-making model has gradually taken shape that is characterized by CPC domination, participation by multiple entities, scientific proof, open process, and law-based operation.     

Public policies affecting ethnic minorities in China

The original hypothesis of this research was that China has developed public policies to protect the rights and interests of its ethnic minorities. Using literature and web materials from different sources, however, the authors were unable to obtain findings to test this hypothesis. Nevertheless, from an analysis of 31 articles and books, eight research and news websites, and three Chinese government websites, we found three discussion areas on the relationship between public policies and ethnic minorities in China. These three areas are the characteristics of ethnic minorities in China, the theoretical underpinnings of studies of ethnic minorities in China, and recent migration patterns that affect ethnic minority populations. Limited by using scarce resources from existing literature, including general demographic and government websites, this article analyses whether policies have been formed to help ethnic minorities to be economically and politically productive.

本研究最原先的假设是中国已发展了一系列的公共政策以保护境内少数民族的权益。但是,作者无法从不同的文献和网络等获得资料以考证这个假设。不过,通过对三十一篇文章和书籍,八个研究及新闻网站,和三个中国政府的官方网站的分析后,我们发现有关研究中国公共政策和少数民族关系的三个范畴。这三个领域包括:中国少数民族的特征,中国少数民族的理论基础研究,以及近代移民模式对少数民族的影响。用现今有限的文献,包括一般人口资料和政府网站,本文分析了协助少数民族提高经济和政治生产力的政策是否已经形成。     

May Fourth Literary Tradition and the Transformation of Chinese Literature in the 1930s

“五四”作为中国现代文学的开端,是绕不开和说不尽的一个传统和话题。文章 选择从20世纪30年代文学界对五四文学传统的反思入手,通过对五四文学与30年代文 学的阐释和评价,探究其背后所隐含的不同言说目的、方式和观照视角,由此来透视 言说者和评价者基于不同历史阶段所持的不同的文学思路。五四文学秉持的是一种人 文学科的思路,而30年代文学信守的则是一种社会科学的思路,而对于两个时代的不 同阐释和评价以及其间的种种复杂纠葛,在此都可找到准确、合理的解释。另外,通 过30年代与“五四”所持文学思路的差异,还可以反观五四文学传统以及把握30年代 文学的转型,总结五四文学传统和30年代文学传统的经验和教训。

关键词: 五四文学传统?30年代文学?文学转型?人文学科思路?社会科学思路

The May Fourth movement that ushered in China's modern literature constitutes a central and inexhaustible tradition and topic. This paper proceeds from the Chinese literary community's reflections on the May Fourth literary tradition to explore the different aims, methods and perspectives of the May Fourth and 1930s literature through the interpretations and evaluations of each period. May Fourth literature followed a humanist approach while that of the 1930s took a social sciences approach. This point can provide us with a correct and rational explanation of the different interpretations and evaluations of the two periods and their complex entanglement. Furthermore, by examining the differences in approach of the two periods, we can look back over the May Fourth literary tradition and gain a better grasp of the transformation of literature in the 1930s, and thus sum up the experience and lessons of the literary tradition of both periods.     

Thirty Years of Political Science in China: From Learning from the West to Indigenization

本文回顾了过去一个世纪政治学在中国的发展, 尤其是过去30年间的发展。其主 要观点是, 这个学科领域已经走过了两个阶段, 即“取经”与“效仿”。它正在进入 第三个阶段, 即本土化或中国化。不过, 即使对中国学者而言, 本土化也并非易事。本土化要求我们具有清晰的本土问题意识, 善于从我们独特的视角对中国和世界政治 现象进行创造性的思考, 并有意识地在思考过程中创造新关键词、新概念体系、新基 本假设、新分析框架、新研究方法, 最终把这种思考上升到一般性理 论。

关键词: 政治学 中国政治 学习 本土化

The article reviews the development of political science in China in the last century, especially in the last 30 years. It shows that the discipline has gone through two stages, namely, uncritical learning and gullible emulating. It is entering a new stage: conscious indigenization of political science. It argues that indigenization is not an easy task even for indigenous academics. Therefore a project of indigenization requires a conscious and active effort on their part. Without critical introspection, indigenization is impossible.