New deal public relations: A glimpse into FDR press secretary Stephen Early's work

Long-time confidant and press secretary to US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Stephen Early served throughout FDR's 12-year administration. As such, he was chief White House communicator during the implementation of the president's New Deal policies and throughout World War II. In March 1934, on the first day of his second year as secretary, Early started a diary. He added to it until the end of the decade. This study examines 131 of Early's diary entries over its 6 years to construct a glimpse of his professional and personal life as a high-level government communicator. Compilations of his most common activities are made and compared over time, and a discussion of Early's day-to-day professional work, private time, and contributions within the context of modern public relations practice are included.     

THE RISE OF PRESIDENTIAL POLLING THE NIXON WHITE HOUSE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

This article traces the institutional development of presidentialpolling of public opinion. We suggest that Kennedy, Johnson,and especially Nixon developed the institution of the presidencyto include a "public opinion apparatus"—an operation thatwas centralized in the White House and devoted to assemblingpublic opinion data and conducting extensive public relationsactivities. According to interviews with former officials andarchival records, this apparatus had its roots in Kennedy's1960 presidential campaign, but during the Johnson and Nixonpresidencies it developed into a regular and enduring institutionfor connecting presidential activity with public opinion.     

Lumpers and Splitters: The Public Opinion Information that Politicians Collect and Use

Are the decisions of American policymakers informed by generaltrends in the public’s ideology or by the public’spolicy-specific preferences? In this article we discuss twoexplanations for the types of public opinion information thatpoliticians collect and use. Using a unique data set of privatepolls from the White House of Richard Nixon, we find that whenopinion data on specific policies were available, the presidentrelied on them and not on general ideology data. On less importantissues, however, we find that the president often chose notto collect policy-specific data and instead relied on generalideology data. The differential collection and use of informationby policymakers reflect varying strategic calculations. Theyalso have profound implications for representative democracyand the demands placed on citizens and governors.     

Developing the scale of presidential candidate's dialogic communication (PCDC) during the 2017 presidential campaign in South Korea

This study aims to develop and validate a measure of presidential candidates’ dialogic communication (PCDC) in political public relations. We conceptualized the construct of PCDC with two dialogic dimensions, voicing and listening, from the relational perspective. Through the scale development process, we conducted an online survey of 1,195 Korean participants during the Korean presidential campaign in February 2017. The results showed that the proposed two-dimensional PCDC scale with 12 items was statistically reliable and valid. The findings also revealed that voicing and listening were significantly associated with publics’ intention to support or oppose a candidate and their supportive or critical communication behavior regarding the candidate. Theoretical and strategic implications are further discussed.     

Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton

Using an entirely new data source, this article presents evidencethat significant variation exists in how much different presidentialadministrations use private White House polls. Federal ElectionCommission (FEC) disclosure records reveal the amount of moneythat presidents since Jimmy Carter paid (through their respectiveparty organizations) to the designated White House pollsters.These financial figures, in turn, roughly correlate with theestimated number of polls commissioned for the White House,as determined through archival research and information providedby the pollsters themselves. Two patterns emerge: some presidentspoll heavily from the start of their administrations (RonaldReagan and Bill Clinton); others poll only lightly during thefirst 3 years in office (Jimmy Carter and George Bush). Thesefindings reinforce scholarly assessments of Reagan and Clintonas pursuing a "permanent campaign" approach to leadership, whereasCarter and Bush lacked much interest in public relations techniques.Our evidence suggests a need for a refinement of the institutionalizationconcept as found in the academic literature on White House polling.We agree that all modern presidents inherit sophisticated toolsfor understanding public opinion, but we demonstrate that theydo not use these tools with equal attention or regularity. Putdifferently, a polling capability has been institutionalizedwithin the White house, but substantial variation still existsin how much a given administration uses that capability.     

President Trump vs. CEOs: a comparison of presidential and corporate agenda building

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to compare the agenda-building influence of President Trump and CEOs in communicating about a number of political and social issues. Through a content analysis of the president’s (N = 63) and business leaders’ (N = 234) information subsidies and news coverage (N = 270), evidence was found repeatedly supporting the president’s first, second, and third levels of agenda-building influence on news media content. In comparison, CEOs’ agenda-building influence was found at the first and third levels, and this influence was not consistent across issues. Furthermore, an argument was made in light of the study’s findings that direct communication by business leaders generally had a more significant impact on the media agenda than indirect messages from other organizational actors such as their companies or corporate spokespeople.     

Tomorrow's Family Reforms: Marriage Course,Marriage Test,Incorporated Families,and Sex Selection Mandate*

Ideas abound for specific new laws and programs to strengthen family life, as evident in the 34 detailed reform proposals hammered out and endorsed by 2000 delegates to the 1980 White House Conference on Families. Looking beyond even these 34 items, however, to valuable reform possibilities still too controversial for the likes of a White House Conference, four in particular stand out. This article discusses these possible reforms.     

Institutionalizing government public relations in Romania after 1989

Public relations are a new profession in Romania, an Eastern European former communist country which changed to a democratic regime in December 1989. It is generally considered to have emerged after 1990, although publicity and political propaganda preceded it (Rogojinaru in Sriramesh and Ver?i?, 2009, p. 553). Although the Romanian practice of public relations evolved and developed quickly aligning with the international practice, several campaigns and programs receiving awards during the last editions of IPRA Golden World Awards, SABRE Awards, Cannes Lions Awards or European Excellence Awards, there is still very little focus on research and theory. Thus, there is no major study on the history of public relations in Romania prior to 1989 to either confirm or challenge the conclusion of Grunig, Grunig and Ver?i? (2004) that there was no public relations in Eastern Europe before 1989 because the concept was not acceptable for socialism (p. 137). Even after 1989 while there is a growing body of literature on public relations in general published in Romanian, few studies addressed Romanian public relations which are more frequently described in practice than researched from the viewpoint of public relations theory. This exploratory research aims at identifying the characteristics of government public relations in Romania in 2011, the main stages in institutionalizing government public relations after 1989 and correlates them with the general evolution of public relations in Romania between 1989 and 2011.     

Public hearings and public preferences: the case of the White House Conference on Families

To provide input into Arizona's participation in the White House Conference on Families, the Arizona Governor's Council on Children, Youth, and Families commissioned a random statewide survey to assess the relative priority given to 41 selected family-related needs and preferences for institutional responses to those needs. A similar survey was administered to participants at each of six regional public hearings held throughout the state prior to the 1980 White House Conference on Families. A comparison of the two surveys provides an opportunity to test the representativeness of public hearings participants with respect to the population from which they were drawn. Fundamental differences in the priorities of these two samples cast considerable doubt on the assumption that public hearings are an effective means of gauging public sentiment.     

White House Conferences on Aging

The influences of the past three White House conferences on public policy in the field of aging are reviewed. The author, a former U.S. Commissioner on Aging, concludes that all three conferences have had some impact on later public policy developments, particularly the 1961 and 1971 Conferences. Despite doubts expressed by some about the need for another Conference, the author recommends that a White House Conference on Aging be held but with a greater focus than before and vigorous follow-up action on Conference recommendations by all levels of government.     

SAMHSA refers to streamlining in proposed budget cuts

Last week, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) released its Congressional Justification (CJ), issued by agencies in conjunction with the White House budget request for the next fiscal year. For FY 2020, the White House budget did not request additional money for SAMHSA's Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment (SAPT) block grant, and included cuts to substance abuse prevention (see ADAW, March 18).     

Following the "Mail Hawks": Alternative Measures of Public Opinion on Vietnam in the Johnson White House

Scholars argue that public opinion grew in importance duringthe Vietnam conflict, yet most find President Johnson was notresponsive to public opinion during the War. We amplify thesetheories by demonstrating the practical value of public opinionmail sent to the White House on Vietnam, reshaping theoriesabout the constraining role of public opinion in foreign policy.We find that the White House mail, but not opinion polling,favoring escalation of the War had a significant and positiveimpact on President Johnson's policy rhetoric. From these andsimilar findings, we conclude that the Johnson Administrationfollowed core "hawkish" political allies (those individualsdesiring a rapid escalation and quick end to the war) ratherthan those approving of a withdrawal, suggesting mail-gaugedopinion from electoral partners (and core political allies morebroadly) has value in foreign policy making.     

Proposed bill for HEROES Act would give $1.5 billion to SAPT block grant

With the House of Representatives planning to vote last Friday on the fourth COVID‐19 stimulus package, substance use treatment stands a chance of being included — if the Senate, which at press time was still opposing the measure, as was the White House, goes ahead to approve it as well. The Health and Economic Recovery Omnibus Emergency Solutions (HEROES) Act, for about $2 trillion, would finally give some money to states, counties and health care. So far, more than $2 trillion has been spent on stimulus funding, with the field trying hard to be included in each bill (see “NASADAD requests $250 million for Phase 4 stimulus,” ADAW April 13, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/adaw.32688 ).     

HEALS Act gives SAPT block grant another $1.5 billion

The next COVID‐19 stimulus package has been partially released by the Senate, led by Republicans and prepared in conjunction with the White House. Called the Health, Economic Assistance, Liability Protection, and Schools (HEALS) Act, it specifically targets health care, jobs and supports for children.     

Constructing positive public relations in China: Integrating public relations dimensions,dialogic theory of public relations and the Chinese philosophical thinking of Yin and Yang

After thirty years of development in mainland China, public relations is suffering from a stigma because of its negative connotations, misconception and paradoxical perception among the general public, and development constraints. To overcome this stigmatization, a positive public relations theory that posits the positive functions of public relations in contemporary China is proposed by integrating the three public relations dimensions (i.e., communication, organization-public relationships, and ecological networks), the dialogic theory of public relations and the Chinese philosophical thinking of Yin and Yang. To achieve this, the paper first explains the cause of stigmatization in public relations. Second, it introduces the three dimensions of public relations as a profession and discipline. It then articulates how the dialogic theory of public relations and the Yin Yang philosophy contribute to the development of positive public relations. Lastly, it proposes the Taiji model of public relations and the underpinnings of positive public relations. It is important to note that positive public relations serves as a complement to, rather than a substitute for, existing theories of public relations.     

Schools,Bullying, and Inequality: Intersecting Factors and Complexities with the Stratification of Youth Victimization at School

Bullying within United States (US) schools is a growing concern among parents, school officials and policymakers. In early 2011, the first‐ever White House Conference on Bullying Prevention was held in hope of addressing bullying within US schools. Although the social, political, and media attention is increasing, it is important to consider the complexities and disparities associated with school bullying. In this article, four of the wide array of influences that increase the vulnerabilities of youth to be a victim of bullying at school are reviewed: (i) race and ethnicity, (ii) being and immigrant, (iii) gender, and; (iv) sexual orientation. Understanding and acknowledging the inequalities associated with school bullying, as well as the policies implemented in response, is instrumental for the US’ efforts towards providing safe, healthy, and democratic learning environments.     

Acceptance of democracy and public relations: Attitudes in a transitional country

The study explores the relationship between acceptance of democracy and opinions about public communication used by the private sector in television newscasts in Croatia, a country transitioning to democracy. A survey administered to students at a large University in Zagreb found inconsistent responses to the items that measured acceptance of democracy, indicating that young Croatians in the study may still be in a political “gray zone” and may not have a full understanding of the precepts of democracy. However, there was a positive correlation between opinions about public relations media practices and acceptance of democracy. The study suggests that it is not enough to use a theoretical framework of global public relations that characterizes a country as a democracy or not, but rather to recognize that democratization is a process. Many people in transitional societies may be closer on the continuum to traditional communist points of view than to newer democratic views; such understanding can help provide a theoretical understanding of transitional public relations.     

The White House and public relations: Examining the linkages between presidential communications and public opinion

This study investigates the linkages between presidential public relations activities—speeches and press conferences—and public opinion towards the presidency from 1961 to 1997. The results show that there is a positive linkage between presidential news conferences and foreign policy job approval, and between presidential speeches and general as well as foreign policy job approval. Overall, the findings reveal stronger linkages between presidential news conferences and job approval than between presidential speeches and job approval, but also that the topic of the information subsidies and the specific type of job approval matters.     

MAT comes to CCSAD: Rehab conference gets ASAM education

The Cape Cod Symposium on Addictive Disorders (CCSAD), an annual conference held in Hyannis, Massachusetts, in early September when the weather is still nice but the summer crowds have left, is sometimes considered a meet‐up for rehab marketers more than an opportunity to get educated on the latest clinical advances. This year, a plenary presentation on opioid use disorders was to be given by Andrea G. Barthwell, M.D., former deputy director of demand reduction at the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy, but she couldn't make it due to sickness. Instead, a panel of experts affiliated with the American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM), which sponsored the talk, stepped in, first going through her slides (so the continuing education credits would be valid) and then holding a town hall–type colloquy. The hot‐button issue of distrust of medication by a treatment community rooted in abstinence was the focus.     

Television Exposure and Attitude Change: The Impact of Political Interest

A number of media effects studies have speculated that politicallyuninvolved individuals are susceptible to attitudinal or behavioralchange as a result of media exposure. This possibility is investigatedby testing a causal model of change in attitude toward PresidentNixon during the Watergate period (1972–1974). The initialanalysis suggested that political interest was a source of interactionin the model; it was thus treated as a specifying variable bytesting separate models for high and low interest respondents.Though exposure to Watergate-related television had no discernibleimpact on attitude toward Nixon for high interest individuals,it was the only significant predictor of 1974 Nixon attitudefor persons with low political interest.