The EU integration process and the convergence of social protection benefits at national level

The essential objective of this article is to measure and interpret the degree of convergence of social protection benefits in European Union member states as the process of European integration has progressed. In this sense, the article analyses the potential role of per capita income and of the socio-demographic characteristics of the population as explanatory variables for the levels of social protection provision in European countries. The empirical study focuses on the period from 1985 to 1999, and investigates whether differences in welfare provision levels decreased as European integration progressed, in line with the convergence in economic and socio-demographic variables between member states.     

Social exclusion in Europe: some conceptual issues

In the late 20th and early 21st century, social exclusion has become something of a trope around which is pegged justifications for various reforms. The notion of social exclusion has found its way into the lexicon of all major global governance institutions. How has this happened, and what are its implications for scholars of contemporary welfare reforms? In this article, we consider the ‘rise and rise’ of the discourse of social exclusion, with particular reference to its development as a policy paradigm within the European Union. We note that its initial iteration was anchored in a functionalist discourse of social organisation but that this was quickly challenged both by post‐structuralist and post‐colonial perspectives and by research findings that undermined the view of mainstream institutions as fundamentally integrative and inclusive in nature. The debate about social exclusion, we suggest, is simultaneously a debate about the historical and social dynamics of European modernity.     

European Welfare Futures: The Views of Key Influentials in Six European Countries on Likely Developments in Social Policy

The welfare state, having reached maturity in most European countries, faces challenges from economic, social and political developments. Some studies argue that common pressures are likely to evoke similar responses; others suggest that the differences between welfare regimes both permit and require different policies. It is also suggested that the single European market will require convergence in tax regimes, social provision and entitlements to ensure fairer competition and to prevent "social dumping". Analysis of data from a survey of politicians, representatives of business, trade unions, civil servants and others shows some convergence in the recognition of problems in welfare policy and in ideas about finance. However, debate about the response to similar issues often differs, according to the detail of institutional structure and the pattern of interests it produces.     

Indications of Social Policy Convergence in Europe

This paper explores the extent to which, and the ways in which, it might be justified in talking of a movement towards convergence of social policy within Europe. It reviews definitions and typologies of the welfare state as a prelude to discussion of the different theoretical types and possibilities of social policy integration, which itself leads into consideration of supranational EU developments. The empirical data presented in respect of “social protection” expenditures (and taxation regimes) in general and of “active” and “passive” labour market expenditures in particular, lend support to the notion not merely that the welfare state is not yet over in Europe, but that forms of social policy convergence are in evidence already.     

Pan‐European pension funds: Current situation and future prospects

The competitive pressures arising from European economic integration increasingly challenge the territorial sovereignty of national welfare states. This generates the need to situate domestic social security schemes amid the European Union's national and supranational as well as economic and social spaces. At the trans‐national level, the European Commission's 2003 Institutions for Occupational Retirement Provision (IORP) Directive created the illusion that a single market for occupational pensions would shortly be within reach. This did not happen, however, as IORPs — being at one and the same time financial vehicles and social insurance institutions — embody the constitutional asymmetry between policies promoting market efficiency and policies promoting social protection. Whereas the elimination of financial and tax barriers has proceeded smoothly, harmonization of the social and labour components within the occupational pension domain did not occur, slowing down the development of pan‐European pension plans. Nonetheless the road towards a single occupational pension market is still open, with first positive results emerging from the greater involvement of corporate and supranational actors.     

Democratic demand for a social Europe? Preferences of the European citizenry

Within the literature on European integration there is a widespread assumption that Europe is in need of intensified and more effective supranational social policy cooperation. However, on the political level it is doubtful whether such measures are welcomed by the national electorates. This article addresses this issue empirically by asking whether there is public demand for promoting greater European welfare policy cooperation and what are the determinants of such a demand. The data source used is the Eurobarometer survey 2000. A number of hypotheses dealing with socio-structural differences, the effects of welfare regime types, the subjective evaluation of the integration process and the role of identity will be scrutinised. Overall, the results indicate that at the attitudinal 'grass root' level there is no unequivocal support for a European welfare responsibility and that some fundamental cleavages are present. It is the regional and cultural aspects, especially, which turn out to be having an effect and to be influencing future political conflicts. A common European welfare arrangement, therefore, cannot be regarded as a solution to the problems the European Union is facing; rather it will raise new and severe problems of finding social and political support.     

Convergence in the Social Welfare Systems in Europe: From Goal to Reality

The history of the social welfare systems in Europe in the postwar period appears as autonomous national processes because the construction of Europe which imposed common rules in many areas was equally consistent with the national development of social welfare systems, within each national culture. However, the idea of a common system of social protection has always remained linked to political and economic European construction which would create a more cohesive society. Many studies have analysed the trend of specific social policies and their convergence or divergence in Europe. Therefore, global convergence is often conceived as resulting from the domestic dynamics of each social risk. The paper focuses on one specific topic: the quantitative evaluation of convergence among the EU and OECD countries at the macroeconomic level. In the first part we explain the construction of social indicators which can assess the convergence or divergence of social expenditure in EU and OECD countries. In the second part we show many methodological problems and difficulties of interpretation of the social indicators. Then we see that the analysis of national trajectories of social expenditure and the link with economic development can enrich the analysis of convergence in social protection. Finally, the empirical analysis supports the idea of “adjustment” reforms rather than radical changes in a transitional period.     

Role of social welfare in European suicide prevention

Yur'yev A, Värnik A, Värnik P, Sisask M, Leppik L. Role of social welfare in European suicide prevention The aims of this study were to assess the relationship between suicide mortality and social expenditure in 26 European countries, explore attitudes towards welfare systems and their relationship with suicide mortality, and compare attitudes towards welfare provision in Eastern and Western Europe. The World Health Organization suicide data and Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development social expenditure data for 1980–2005 were used. Data on attitudes towards welfare systems were taken from the European Social Survey. Differences between mean scores for attitudes in Western and Eastern European countries were calculated. Correlations between social expenditure and suicide trends were negative in most countries for both genders. Inverse correlations between attitudes towards welfare provision and suicide mortality rates were demonstrated for males only. Differences in attitudes were found between Eastern and Western European countries; for example, confidence in the welfare system was found to be stronger in Western Europe. Higher social expenditure and greater confidence in welfare provision appear to have suicide‐preventive effects.     

Western European welfare states in the 20th century: convergences and divergences in a long-run perspective

The study investigates the welfare systems in Western Europe in the course of the so-called 'short 20th century' (1918–1990) from a long-term comparative perspective and focusing on the convergent versus divergent features of development. Various indicators examined show that in terms of relative level of welfare expenditures, features of welfare institutions and social rights, there were significant differences between Western European countries in the first half of the 20th century, but diversity significantly decreased by the 1950s, and the tendency of convergence continued steadily in the next two decades. Subsequently, changes in variation between countries from the 1970s onwards displayed a somewhat less clear-cut pattern, but in several areas the convergence continued. As a result, in 1990 the differences between the Western European countries can be regarded as less significant in that respect than in the middle and especially at the beginning of the 20th century.     

The Impact of a Restructured Canadian Welfare State on Atlantic Canada

The Canadian welfare state, like welfare states elsewhere, has undergone significant reform and restructuring. This paper examines what has occurred and the impact it has had on Canada's poorest and most underdeveloped region, the Atlantic provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland. Although the central and western regions have also experienced a reduction in federal expenditures, no other region has been more negatively affected by federal fiscal and social policy reform and downsizing. Health care and education have experienced the worst cuts. The significant loss of federal government transfers to this region has ruptured a historic social contract. This in turn has triggered a radical restructuring and downsizing of provincial and municipal public administrations, commensurate with job losses in important sectors of the labour market, such as universities, hospitals and schools. In the last five years the rate of unemployment and poverty has risen sharply, personal and household incomes have declined, and entire communities are on the brink of extinction owing to out-migration. The irony, however, is that for Atlantic Canadians the retrenchment of the federal state has led to greater public willingness to consider social democratic political parties and policy alternatives that are not only different from prior fare, but which do not represent a flight to a rather unsatisfactory past.     

Canadian Non-Profits in Crisis: The Need for Reform

This paper examines recent changes in the relationship between the Canadian state, at both federal and provincial levels, and those non-profit organizations concerned with social welfare. The 1995 federal budget marked a turning point for Canadian non-profit organizations as the federal transfer payments to the provinces were simultaneously restructured and reduced. This, in turn, meant that provincial funds flowing to non-profit organizations would also be cut, or terminated, and restructured as service contracts continued to replace grants. This followed a review of government funding to non-profit agencies initiated the previous year and came on top of a growing critique of non-profits as unaccountable, unrepresentative, professionalized, "special-interest" groups, who used public funds largely to sustain themselves, and pursued causes that should not be subsidized by government. At the same time non-profit organizations were increasingly expected to provide core social welfare services not only on the basis of "more for less" but also through charging for their services and increased corporate and individual fund-raising. All of these events took place in the context of the election to government, in 1993, of the Liberal Party, that had previously been strongly identified with the advance of a Canadian social agenda but now chose to adopt its conservative predecessor’s deficit reduction strategy through public expenditure cuts. For many Canadian commentators, such events have thrown non-profit organizations into crisis and during the past two years there have been attempts to bring together the diverse interests within the sector and build a stronger sense of identity and voice. However, there is also a strong argument to suggest that the vulnerability of such non-profit organizations has resulted, in part, from their over-dependence on government during the previous twenty-five years and the absence of a strong popular base. This paper explores the changing relationships between the Canadian state and non-profit organizations, and highlights what could be very similar dilemmas for their UK counterparts as government increasingly looks to non-profits to fulfil what has during the postwar period been its service-providing role.     

Straddling Two Continents: Social Policy and Welfare Politics in Turkey

There has been an increasing academic interest in understanding the dynamics of social policy in the Middle East and developing a conceptual ‘model’ to account for the particular characteristics of welfare arrangements in the countries of the region. While part of this framework, Turkey represents an exceptional case due to the Europeanization processes the country is undergoing in various policy areas, including social policy. The influence of the European Union on the shape of Turkish social policy, as illustrated by the government's recent reforms in the labour market and social security domains, is hereby used to outline the position of Turkey vis‐à‐vis both the Southern European welfare regime and the Middle Eastern pattern. This article seeks to assess the dynamics of Turkish social policy in light of the country's political, and socio‐economic dynamics, as well as the external influence exerted by the EU and international financial institutions. The aim is to examine Turkish welfare arrangements in a comparative manner and consider its suitability with reference to either of the two models. Looking at major trends in social security and the labour market, the article argues for a Turkish ‘hybrid’ model embodying the characteristics of both. Subject to EU explicit pressures for reform absent elsewhere in the Middle East, the data nevertheless show that Turkey has yet to make the qualitative leap forward that could place it firmly within the Southern European welfare group.     

In support of mothers’ employment: limits to policy convergence in the EU?

This article compares 11 Western European countries with respect to public policies that promote the employment of mothers: maternity and parental leave, childcare provisions and family-related tax credits and allowances. The goal of this analysis is to characterise trends in the development of these policies from the mid-1980s to the present and identify the degree of policy convergence in this area of social policy. The process of convergence is analysed along two sets of criteria: the amount and forms of provisions, and the coherence of policies (eligibility, funding mechanisms, locus of regulation and quality control). The analysis is informed by theories of welfare regimes that identify distinctive patterns in which national policies shape the employment of women: general family support, dual-earner families and market-oriented families. Findings of the study reveal limited development towards harmonisation of national social policies. Such resilience of national welfare regimes can be attributed to institutional path dependence, on the one hand, and to minimal EU efforts to harmonise social policies, on the other. The article suggests that integrating markets have so far had a limited effect on social policy development, but that there are positive signs that convergence is possible in the future.     

Developments in East Asian Welfare Studies

This essay in introduction is to the field of study, rather than to the present, itself distinguished, collection of papers. As such, it opens with a series of ‘flashbacks’: to the ways in which social policy, and the study of social policy, developed out of the interaction between Western welfare states (in this case Britain) and Asia Pacific. The main body of the article then charts the increasing presence of East Asian modes of welfare within comparative social policy, before going on to distinguish between the different types of approach to East Asian welfare study which have so far been adopted. Two sets of three‐part criteria have been adopted for the purposes of classification: focusing first on the dimensions (single case studies of specific countries; East Asia as a region; East Asia in comparison with other parts of the world) and second on the level of issues (matters of policy; of welfare system; of welfare regime) characteristic of each study in question. The article concludes with a restatement of its purpose: not to question the adequacy of hitherto Western (notably, Esping‐Andersen) approaches to the study of welfare regimes, but to demonstrate the need for a substantive extension to their scope.     

Post-Fordism, the welfare state and the personal social services: a comparison of Australia and Britain

Summary The Post-Fordist welfare state thesis locates contemporary socialwelfare change within a wider analysis of the transformationof capitalist accumulation regimes. Whilst this analysis isuseful in directing attention to macro socio-economic change,it has for the most part contained three shortcomings. First,the Post-Fordist thesis has overemphasized the role of historical'breaks' in the development of social welfare as it purportedlypasses from Fordism to Post-Fordism. Second, the thesis hasassumed a degree of convergence between welfare states as aresult of global economic forces. In doing so, it has underemphasizedthe mediating impact of existing institutional arrangementswithin nations. Third, the thesis has assumed, rather than demonstrated,the specific changes which are alleged to be taking place invarious fields of social welfare. As a consequence, aspectsof continuity in social welfare have been neglected. These threelacunae are addressed through a comparative analysis of developmentsin the personal social services in Australia and Britain. Servicesto older people are employed as the specific context of comparisonin relation to three dimensions of measuring transformationalong a Post-Fordist trajectory: a shift from a unitary economyto a mixed economy of service provision; changes in the modelof service delivery and consumption; and strengthening the governancefunction of the central state. This comparative analysis suggeststhe need for refinement of the Post-Fordist welfare state thesisconcerning the restructuring of social welfare and its impacton the personal social services.     

Exploring Neglected Dimensions of Social Policy: The SDW, Fiscal Welfare and the Exemplar of Local Taxation in England

Titmuss's Social Division of Welfare (SDW) thesis is a vitally important but much neglected element of social policy analysis. This article seeks to explore the SDW, with a particular focus on fiscal welfare. Fiscal welfare has been described as forming a hidden welfare state, and while taxation is one of the main ways in which governments affect the lives of citizens, studies of welfare pay remarkably little attention to its impact. Fiscal welfare is examined by using, as an exemplar, local taxation in England, a subject that itself is neglected within social policy. Local taxation in England is of interest because it illustrates the impact of a system of taxation on different groups of citizens, and how this can operate to the benefit of rich over poor citizens. This is because the current system is highly regressive, meaning that those on low and middle incomes spend proportionately more of their income paying the tax than do those on high incomes. What is of further interest is how within the debate about reform of local taxation, concern with regressivity becomes obscured and ceases to be the focus of attention. We are thus provided with an example of how fiscal welfare remains a hidden issue. The article concludes by arguing that social policy analysis needs to move beyond the narrow confines of social welfare and develop a broader understanding of welfare, based on the SDW.     

Social Protection in Greece: A Brief Glimpse of a Welfare State

This paper examines the delayed development of the welfare state in Greece and its restructuring since the early 1990s. The emphasis is on factors, such as the rapid shift from pre-Fordist to post-Fordist socio-economic structures, the weak development of contractual relationships and a solidaristic culture, and the extensive reproduction of a statist/clientelist form of social organization strongly linked to a high degree of social fragmentation and a particularistic appropriation of welfare benefits and services, which have hindered the full maturation of social citizenship in Greek society up to now. An expensive trend of social protection in conjunction with some major law reforms in the early 1980s contributed to the development of a “weak form” of universalism. These trends were soon overturned, however, well before Greek society could develop a welfare state, under the pressure of a serious fiscal crisis, low economic growth, increasing international competition, significant demographic changes and a fragile social consensus. Thus, the national health care system has hardly succeeded in establishing universal coverage, the social insurance system has remained highly fragmented and dualist, while policy measures for tackling increasing unemployment, hardship and poverty have been rudimentary. These have caused serious deadlocks and a deep institutional crisis. For this crisis to be overcome, it is essential that a new social balance promoting social solidarity is achieved in the country, while a reinvigorated Social Europe can help enormously in this direction.     

Intercultural relations in the European Union: Economic convergences verses social mobility

The purpose of this paper is to analyze intercultural relations within the European Union, with the 10 new members that have joined in 2004. We define intercultural relations in terms of the difference between the benefits of economic convergence versus the problems of social mobility issues implied by the economic convergence in the European Union, especially with regard to the labor market. This analysis has implications for any region that is experiencing rapid globalization.     

On the convergence of social protection systems in the European Union

Member States of the European Union are autonomous when it comes to the design of their social protection systems. However, they are committed by a recommendation accepted by the European Council addressing the convergence of social protection objectives and policies. Besides, convergence of social protection systems is expected to come about as a result of economic integration. In this paper we examine whether such convergence has occurred during the past decades, using data on replacement rates and social expenditure ratios. We find a rather strong trend of relative convergence and, only during the past two decades, an absolute convergence of social indicators in the EU. But there are only weak signs that these trends are the result of European integration.     

Nationalist Reframing of the Finnish and Swedish Welfare States – The Nexus of Nationalism and Social Policy in Far‐right Populist Parties

The rise of right‐wing populist parties in the Nordic countries is slowly redefining the Nordic social democratic discourse of the universal and egalitarian welfare state. The nexus of nationalism and social policy has been explored in regions and countries such as Quebec, Scotland, Belgium and the UK, but the change of discourse in the Nordic countries has received less attention. Taking the case of Sweden and Finland, this article argues that Nordic populism does not question the redistributive welfare state per se as many other European neo‐liberal far‐right parties have done. Instead, it reframes the welfare state as being linked to a sovereign and exclusive Swedish and Finnish political community with distinct national boundaries. Although Sweden and Finland largely share a common welfare nation state discourse, the article also points to important differences in the way this discourse is able to frame the welfare nation state where access to, and the design of, social services are no longer universal and egalitarian but based around ethnicity. The article aims to demonstrate this through an analysis of the welfare discourses of two populist parties: Sweden Democrats and True Finns.