Competing Claims: Religious Affiliation and African Americans’ Intolerance of Homosexuals

Literature on religion and political intolerance indicates competing expectations about how Black Protestant church affiliation affects African Americans’ attitudes about civil liberties. On the one hand, Black Protestant theology emphasizes personal freedom and social justice, factors generally linked to more tolerant attitudes. On the other hand, Black Protestants tend to be conservative on family and social issues, factors often linked to intolerance of gays and lesbians. Data from the General Social Survey are used to examine the influence of religious group identification, as well as other relevant aspects of religiosity, on political intolerance among African Americans. Results indicate that although other aspects of religion (beliefs and behaviors) help explain variation in political intolerance, Black Protestant church affiliation has no relationship with attitudes about the civil liberties of homosexuals. However, additional tests show that Black Protestant church affiliation significantly predicts intolerance of other target groups (atheists and racists).     

Macro-Structural Determinants of Political Freedom in Developing Countries: A Cross-National Analysis

This study attempts to evaluate the impacts of macro-structural factors on political freedom in developing countries (DCs). Political freedom is conceptualized as civil liberty and political rights the general population of a society can enjoy in influencing public policy. The Freedom House indexes are used as measures of freedom. In explaining the individual countries’ differences in political freedom, this study considers the following factors: regime types, level of development, social structure, fractionalization, the state and military influence and external economic dependence. Empirical modeling of 118 DCs with regression techniques and ordered logit methods demonstrates that besides the regime effects, economic development generates favorable influence, while a large poor population and military spending produce negative impact on freedom. In the concluding section, we discuss the theoretical implications in comparative perspective.     

The relationship of assumption and knowledge of the homosexual orientation to the abridgment of civil liberties

This article is concerned with the relationship of assumption or knowledge of departure from the heterosexual orientation to the abridgment of civil liberties. The methodology for obtaining data on sexual orientation is described. The definitions for assumption and knowledge of sexual orientation is described. The definitions for assumption and knowledge of sexual orientation are provided. The results indicated that: (a) the most frequently violated civil liberties were equality and procedural due process; (b) there was more assumption than knowledge of sexual orientation; (c) patterns of violations of civil liberties were similar whether sexual orientation was known or assumed; and (d) there was much more use of avoidance than any other mode of resolution, both when the sexual orientation was known and when it was assumed.     

The relationship of departures in social sex-role to the abridgment of civil liberties

This article examines the relationship of departures from the feminine stereotype for women and the masculine stereotype for men to the abridgment of civil liberties. The methodology is described for determining conformity to and departures from social sex-role stereotypes. Results show that: (a) there was more conformity than departure from social sex-role stereotypes; (b) there were proportionately more violations of the right of equality for those who departed; (c) sexual orientation was more often known for those who departed; (d) biological sex was not related to the violations of particular civil liberties for those who departed; and (e) for modes of conflict resolution, there was proportionately more use of avoidance by those who departed.     

Methodology for studying discrimination based on sexual orientation and social sex-role stereotypes

This article presents the methodology used in collecting data for the study of the relationship of sexual orientation and social sex-role to the protection of civil liberties. The methodology is designed to determine how departures in sexual orientation and social sex-role are the basis for the abridgment of civil liberties. Departure in sexual orientation is defined as physical sexual activity involving individuals of the same sex. Departure in social sex-role stereotypes is defined as departing from or conforming to the feminine stereotype for men, the feminine stereotype for women, the masculine sterotype for men, and the masculine stereotype for women.     

Religion and the Rainbow Struggle: Does Religion Factor Into Attitudes Toward Homosexuality and Same-Sex Civil Unions in Brazil?

The provision of civil liberties to LGBT persons has become part of a global movement in societies across the world. In Brazil, a recent judicial ruling for the first time established the right for homosexual couples to enter into civil unions, despite the presence of widespread disapproval of homosexuality among the population and opposition from prominent religious groups. Picking up on this issue, the following study examines whether religion may factor into the attitudes Brazilians hold toward homosexuality and same-sex civil unions. Using data from the Brazilian Social Research Survey, we find that the most restrictive views toward homosexuality and the strongest opposition to same-sex civil unions are most prevalent among devoted followers of historical Protestant, Pentecostal, and Catholic faith traditions, whereas adherents of Afro-Brazilian and spiritist religions, as well as those with no religious commitment, are inclined to assume a more tolerant moral posture toward such issues. The findings point to religion as a potential influence in future public policy initiatives and social movements involving LGBT issues in Brazil.     

Immutability, science, and legislative debate over gay, lesbian and bisexual rights

Many gay rights advocates argued in the 1990s that scientific research claiming that sexual orientation is immutable should contribute to gaining civil rights for gays, lesbians and bisexuals. This paper analyzes ten legislative debates that took place at the local, state and federal levels over whether to adopt antidiscrimination laws, before and after the research was published. We hypothesize that if the research has had the impacts hoped for by gay rights supporters, then debates over gay rights should reflect certain changes consistent with such impacts. Although discussion of the origins of sexual orientation among legislators rose in the aftermath of the studies, we fail to find that the science had a major impact on the debate strategies pursued by either pro- or antigay rights legislators. Whether sexual orientation is immutable or a choice has not been a central claim of the two sides in the debate. Gay rights opponents even appear somewhat more willing to assert that sexual orientation is a choice after the studies than before. Furthermore, when the proponents of gay rights assert the immutability argument, they are as likely as not to invoke the cultural authority of science. We explain these outcomes by showing why the immutability issue is not of central relevance to most legislators or necessary for either side's key arguments. We also show that the scientific evidence merely supplemented a large amount of anecdotal information that legislators already possessed that spoke to the origins of sexual orientation.     

Legislators' Positions on Gay and Lesbian Rights: The Personal and Political

This article examines state legislators' public position on gay and lesbian rights by using responses to survey data on their positions toward civil unions and inclusion of sexual orientation in anti-job discrimination laws. The research finds that although state legislators are mixed on their positions, they are less supportive of gay and lesbian rights than is the general public. It also finds that their public positions are a product of both their personal beliefs and values as well as their political calculations. The implications of these findings are explored.     

A Benefit Recipiency Approach to Analysing Differences and Similarities in European Welfare Provision

In comparative welfare state research, the question of how to measure and understand cross-country differences and similarities in extents of public welfare provision has led to a major discussion about the indicators that could be used for this purpose. Much scholarly attention approaching this so-called ‘dependent variable problem’ concentrates on social expenditure or on social rights data as indicators of ‘welfare stateness’ or ‘welfare generosity’. However, recently, micro-level data on benefit receipt as another promising but hitherto underused indicator was brought into this discussion. The article at hand extends existing knowledge about the conceptual, methodological and empirical potentials and challenges of this alternative indicator compared to the two prevailing indicators. For the empirical analysis, it uses cash benefit recipiency data from the EU-SILC to investigate differences and similarities in extents of public welfare provision between 29 European countries for the period 2003–2012. The study reveals parallels to findings from research in which indicators of social expenditure and social rights are applied, but it also adds new insights beyond their cost and paper reality. This is mainly the case where priority is given to household-related assistance benefits rather than individual insurance benefits. The main conclusion of the paper is that the benefit recipiency indicator—despite not being flawless and requiring further research—complements existing knowledge on differences and similarities in welfare provision by European welfare states.     

Government statistics: The conflict between research and privacy

The production of social statistics has been challenged in certain West European nations by the "privacy issue." Privacy advocates contend that computerized data files containing information about individuals endanger personal privacy and other civil liberties. The privacy issue has taken two forms: anti-census campaigns and data protection systems. Although those responsible for statistical data have traditionally safeguarded their records, they are often drawn into this issue. Increasingly, they have had to deal with the sociopolitical environment through legislative liaisons, lawyers, and advertising agencies. They have also had to revise data collection and processing procedures. In some situations, they have had to suspend censuses and surveys.     

‘Freedom From’ and ‘Freedom To’ Across Countries

It has been over 70 years since Erich Fromm wrote “Escape From Freedom.” He defined two types of freedom: freedom from (negative) and freedom to (positive). Fromm’s masterpiece, however, does not measure the two types of freedom, and this is not surprising—there were no freedom data at the time. Now, there are plenty of data, and Fromm’s concepts of freedom can be operationalized across countries. The two types of freedom, positive and negative, correlate at below 0.5, and such low correlation is surprising—I discuss outliers and point out that freedom is an end in itself, as recognized, for instance, by Amartya Sen. Furthermore, while we acknowledge the importance of freedom from, we forget that freedom from is not fully realized without freedom to: it’s great to be free; but it’s even better to feel free as well.     

The Role of Secularism of State on the Relationship Between Catholic Identity,Political Orientation,and Gay Rights Issues

In discussions of regulations governing same-sex marriage and adoption by gays and lesbians, the issue of state secularism is often called into question. This study aims to test the mediating effects of state secularism on the relationship between Catholic identity, political orientation, and gay civil rights. Participants were Catholic Italians who completed a questionnaire measuring the constructs under investigation. Results showed that state secularism mediates the effects of Catholic identity and political orientation on attitudes toward same-sex marriage and adoption by gays and lesbians.     

The rise and fall of civil unions: lessons from the Connecticut legislature's abandonment of gay and lesbian citizens

On April 20, 2005, Connecticut Governor M. Jodi Rell signed into law "An Act Concerning Civil Unions" (Public Act No. 05-10, 2005). That Act did two things: First, it afforded to qualifying same-sex couples many of the rights and benefits that the state makes available to married heterosexual couples. Second, it "defended" heterosexual marriage by defining marriage as involving one man and one woman. Although it might seem that the legislature was moving in an obviously correct direction, its decision to establish a statutory scheme consigning same-sex couples to civil unions was integral to the ideological exclusion of gays and lesbians from marriage and, thereby, implied that they are unfit for family life. The Democrats' and Republicans' focus was on the formal equality guaranteed by the civil union legislation. But the heart of the legislation is disenfranchisement. Connecticut lawmakers placed the stamp of legitimacy on a policy that officially excluded lesbians and gays from full membership in civil society. To many gay and lesbian citizens in Connecticut, it was a slap in the face and awakened a realization that lawmakers' professed egalitarian ideals and the realities of defining who belonged to their communities may not coincide.     

The Rise and Fall of Civil Unions: Lessons From the Connecticut Legislature's Abandonment of Gay and Lesbian Citizens

On April 20, 2005, Connecticut Governor M. Jodi Rell signed into law “An Act Concerning Civil Unions” (Public Act No. 05–10, 2005). That Act did two things: First, it afforded to qualifying same-sex couples many of the rights and benefits that the state makes available to married heterosexual couples. Second, it “defended” heterosexual marriage by defining marriage as involving one man and one woman. Although it might seem that the legislature was moving in an obviously correct direction, its decision to establish a statutory scheme consigning same-sex couples to civil unions was integral to the ideological exclusion of gays and lesbians from marriage and, thereby, implied that they are unfit for family life.

The Democrats' and Republicans' focus was on the formal equality guaranteed by the civil union legislation. But the heart of the legislation is disenfranchisement. Connecticut lawmakers placed the stamp of legitimacy on a policy that officially excluded lesbians and gays from full membership in civil society. To many gay and lesbian citizens in Connecticut, it was a slap in the face and awakened a realization that lawmakers' professed egalitarian ideals and the realities of defining who belonged to their communities may not coincide.     

General liberalism and social change in post World War II America: A summary of trends

There has been a general shift towards liberalism during the post World War II period. A plurality of attitude trends have moved in the liberalism direction. There is, however, some evidence that this liberal shift has weakened, but not reversed during the last decade. Topical disaggregation show that the liberal movement has not been uniform across subjects. Attitudes towards abortions, civil liberties, race relations, and religion have moved most consistently in the liberal direction while crime/violence and spending/taxation items have showed more conservative trends. The main causes of the general liberalism trend were modernization and liberal idealism assisted by the New Deal Realignment and institutional leadership. The main countervailing forces to liberalism were found to be stagflation, taxation level, and crime. Despite the waning of liberalism in recent years there is no evidence to support the idea that most liberal advances over the past four decades will be reversed in the immediate future.     

Attitudinal Changes Toward Homosexuality During the Past Two Decades (1994–2014) in Korea

This study was conducted to examine recent Korean perspectives on homosexuality by comparing attitudes toward mental illness, crime, friendship, and civil rights related to homosexual people in 1994, 1999, 2004, 2009, and 2014. The respondents were 3,299 Korean men and women between 18 and 59 years of age, and the data were collected across 5 years. The major findings were that there has been greater acceptance of homosexuality and civil rights for homosexuals during the past two decades, but the changes have been slow; Korean homosexuals remain subjects of social stigma and discrimination primarily due to increased Christian activism.     

The San Francisco bathhouse battles of 1984: civil liberties,AIDS risk,and shifts in health policy

In the mid-1980s, controversy emerged in a number of American cities over the roles gay bathhouses and sex clubs might play in the spread of AIDS, and in raising safe-sex awareness. In 1984, San Francisco became the first city where political debates broke out over AIDS-related policies for bathhouses and sex clubs. These debates were dominated by questions of public health and gay civil liberties. A variety of proposals were put forward during 1984 to try to reconcile these two concerns, or to give one a higher priority than the other. Certain officials in San Francisco's government, and members of its gay/lesbian/bisexual community, strongly disagreed over whether the businesses should be closed, should make their own AIDS-prevention efforts, or should continue operating under new regulations. Policies implemented for the city's baths were disconnected from the known AIDS risk of different sexual behaviors, and from research findings on AIDS and the local baths. Political and judicial decisions concerning San Francisco's bathhouses and sex clubs that were made in 1984 had continuing influences on these businesses through the later 1980s and the 1990s.     

Man/boy love and the American gay movement

The issue of man/boy love has intersected the gay movement since the late nineteenth century, with the rise of the first gay rights movement in Germany. In the United States, as the gay movement has retreated from its vision of sexual freedom for all in favor of integration into existing social and political structures, it has sought to marginalize cross-generational love as a "non-gay" issue. The two movements continue to overlap, amid signs of mutual support as well as tension--a state of affairs that also characterizes their interrelationship in other countries. This article offers an overview and analysis of that interrelationship in the United States since the Stonewall Riots in New York City in June 1969, which marked the beginning of a reinvigorated struggle for gay liberation.     

Measuring Institutions: Indicators of Political and Property Rights in Malawi

This paper constructs a new set of institutional indicators for Malawi. We develop indicators of political rights, of freehold, traditional (communitarian) and intellectual property rights, based on the Malawian legislative framework. In exploring the association between our rights measures and a range of indicators of socio-economic development, we obtain limited support for a modernization process for Malawi. On the one hand, the association between the rights variables can be interpreted as a modernization nexus, with a trade-off between legally anchored private property freehold rights and political rights on the one hand, and traditional forms of communal property rights on the other. By contrast, the association between rights and a range of socioeconomic development indicators gives a more nuanced picture. For social development measures property rights measures exercise a positive impact, regardless of whether they take the form of freehold or communitarian property rights. Economic development measures respond positively only to the freehold measure, and negatively to communitarian property rights. The socioeconomic development measures are negatively associated with political rights in Malawi over the last 40 years of the twentieth century.     

Die Muslime in der Region Midi-Pyrenäen

Building mosques inside towns, organising separate squares for Moslems in our own cemeteries, ruling over slaughtering the hallal way, putting high schools under regional governments — all these questions can be debated in France. This body allows (or imposes) a unity in their voicing to the various representatives so that they can stand up the State Representative. This new and legitimate body tries to solve many problems in its numerous specific commissions. Consequently one has to organise a way of working with the various departments, leaving them sufficient freedom according to their demographic numbers. This has also to take into account the many relations which these communities have with the Moslem Regional Council (CRCM), the different countries they come from and Europe. On the other hand, not every one recognises this new body because they had not all be able to express their votes previously. But ruling Islam in France is already beginning to be organised at county levels.