A comparative assessment of public opinion toward immigrants and immigration policies

"This article is part of a larger study of public attitudes toward immigration in seven countries that historically and currently have had different policies and practices vis-a-vis immigration. The countries involved are Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Japan and the United States. The time frame for which most of the public opinion data will be reported is from 1970 through 1995. The data have been collected from national surveys that were conducted in each of the countries."     

Public opinion about AIDS policies. The role of misinformation and attitudes toward homosexuals

In an effort to better understand the cognitive and attitudinal factors underlying public opinion on AIDS-related issues, this article proposes and empirically tests a model of the relationships between (1) knowledge of HIV transmission, specifically the misinformation that AIDS can be transmitted easily through casual contact with HIV-infected persons; (2) attitudes toward homosexuals, the most prominent of the social groups presently affected by the AIDS crisis; and (3) support for restrictive public policies aimed at HIV-infected persons. Data from two nationally representative surveys conducted in December of 1985 (N = 2,308) and in July of 1987 (N = 2,095) provide evidence that misinformation about AIDS transmission and negative attitudes toward homosexuals are strong predictors of support for stringent restrictions of persons with AIDS. The findings also suggest that several background factors, in particular, education and political liberalism, may also play decisive roles in influencing levels of support for restricting those infected with the AIDS virus.     

Religion and the environmental opinion in 22 countries: a comparative study

The objective is to test if religiosity affects environmental opinion in Europe. Using data from European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003, the study answers three questions. At the societal level: Is public opinion about the environment different in political systems with different Christian traditions? Is environmental concern less or higher in the public opinion depending on the degree of secularization in the political systems? At the individual level: Is the environmental opinion of the individual affected by the personal confession of faith, religious involvement, and the dominant religious context? At the societal level, the findings show stronger concern for the environment in Catholic and Eastern Orthodox countries than in Protestant countries. The tendency also shows a weakened concern for the environment in countries with a rather secular population. At the individual level, there are significant positive effects on environmental care from Catholic culture, negative effect from Protestant culture, and no effect from religious involvement.     

Public opinion and the privatization of welfare: some theoretical implications

The social policy of the Thatcher government is characterized by an abrupt shift in the direction of the private sector. To what extent does this reflect what people want? The Institute of Economic Affairs conclude from the only suitable national opinion survey that such a move is strongly supported. Our reanalysis of their data shows that this strand in public opinion can coexist with, and need not contradict, an equal public enthusiasm for state welfare. Such results have important implications for our understanding of social policy. We conclude, therefore, with a discussion of contrasting marxist and liberal accounts which seeks to show that the evidence of ambivalence in popular attitudes about the welfare state supports particular developments in theory.     

Public access in the West European countryside: a comparative survey

This comparative study employs the concept of physical rigour to map and measure recreational routes and zones available to the public. The comparison is made for 15 representative countryside districts in four national settings (Great Britain, West Germany, France, and Benelux). Three of the districts are national parks, while the others are 40 × 25 km settled areas chosen to typify the physical and human landscape of their region. Statistical measures of access availability are computed for five levels of access rigour, grading from passive through to arduous. Road or ‘passive’ access is most prevalent in settled districts of West Germany and France, while footpaths providing casual access are most plentiful in West Germany and Benelux. Off-route lands open to the public are most common in sparsely settled upland areas. Polynomial regressions show that both amplitude of relief and type of land cover influence the availability of access types. However, land-use intensity is the strongest determinant of the access regime in all except mountainous areas. Although not investigated statistically, regional and national variations in access availability may be related to the history of land apportionment and to legal/customary constraints on public access. These help to explain exceptionally low degrees of access in Great Britain.     

Occupational and spatial mobility of temporary Mexican migrants to the U.S.: a comparative analysis

"U.S. job and spatial mobility are compared here for recent returnee migrants from two Mexican areas--Rio Grande, Zacatecas, in the interior; and Nueva Rosita-Muzquiz, Coahuila, near the U.S. border. Results suggest that the interior migrants fit a hierarchical migrant model: they move up the urban hierarchy from U.S. rural areas to towns and cities, experiencing substantial job mobility at first, but little after reaching the urban sector. Border migrants fit a shuttle migrant model: they return to the same job and place year after year, experiencing little or no spatial and occupational mobility, although they tend to hold somewhat higher status jobs."     

Public opinion and media coverage of labor unions

Public opinion about labor unions is influenced by a variety of factors, including media coverage. The type of media coverage unions receive provides a cognitive foundation for judgments about them and media coverage of unions has often been characterized as biased. This study examines media coverage of unions between 1946 and 1985 and shows that it became increasingly concentrated on strike activities and exaggerated the frequency of strikes. Moreover, strike-centered coverage has its strongest negative influence on individuals who lack ideological and group attachments to unions.     

Public opinion and the Canadian political crisis*

This survey of public opinion offers little hope of a speedy resolution to the conflict between the federal government and the government of Quebec by reference to a wider public debate than is provided for in the existing electoral machinery. In Quebec, the program of the Parti Quebecois is supported by about one-third of the population. However, the very great majority of Quebecers wants recognition of the special status of French in their province, in line with the recent language legislation of the pq government. French Quebecers also strongly support the extension of bilingual opportunities in education and government in the rest of Canada, policies which are presently beyond the jurisdiction of the federal government and which provincial governments are not yet prepared to enact. A clear majority of Canadians outside Quebec opposes provisions for the special status of French within Quebec as the language of work and of schooling for non-English-speaking immigrants, and only a small majority supports the extension of educational and governmental facilities in French outside Quebec. Differences in public opinion are equally pronounced with respect to the issues of concessions and economic agreement. The great majority of Quebecers favours an economic agreement with the rest of Canada if the province becomes independent. Outside Quebec only a bare majority of Canadians supports any concessions to Quebec to prevent separation, and a large proportion of them draws the line at “minor” concessions. Similarly, only a slight majority of Canadians outside of Quebec is prepared to approve of the negotiation of an economic agreement should a majority of Quebecers vote for independence, and it seems likely that a majority in English Canada would oppose any concrete suggestions for economic union. Further insights into the structure of these political attitudes can be obtained from Table V1, which shows gamma values measuring the associations between the individual items discussed so far and compares these associations for the two large non-minority groups - the French in Quebec and the non-French outside Quebec. The generally stronger associations in Quebec among the responses to items a to E -measuring support for conventional policies of bilingualism - indicate that French Quebecers are more likely to view the extension of these rights in Quebec and English Canada in terms of reciprocity and that their beliefs are more coherently organized than those of English Canadians. It is interesting to examine the relationship between support for English-language schooling for Canadians who move to Quebec versus provision for this schooling for people who do not speak English and move to Quebec. In English Canada the two policies are very strongly related; the gamma of 81 indicates that both policies are seen as part of a single dimension. But French Quebecers see these as two distinguishable issues, though they are still positively related (the gamma is.25). In Quebec there is little relationship between support for independence and attitudes to bilingualism. Support for independence is weakly, but negatively, correlated with support for English schooling for English Canadians who move to Quebec and with recognition of the right to communicate with the Quebec government in English. Supporters of independence tend to oppose common Federalist notions of bilingualism, but not as strongly as might be expected. What is suggested here is that “independen-tisme” is a reaction to conditions within Quebec - as indicated further by the definite association between support for independence and the measures to protect French within Quebec - rather than a reaction to conditions in Canada or an ethnocentric response to English Canadians generally. The data in Table VI also indicate that amongst non-French-speaking Canadians outside Quebec support for the extension of opportunities for the use of French in Canada is associated with support for the recognition of the special status of French in Quebec and with approval of a more conciliatory attitude to concessions and economic agreement with Quebec. The relevant coefficients are in the order of.30, indicating a fairly consistent attitudinal structure. In English Canada, therefore, attitudes to bilingualism reflect a general orientation towards political developments in Quebec which can be seen in terms of the response of a dominant ethnic group to the assertion of “civil rights” by an ethnic minority. In Quebec, on the other hand, problems of civil rights in majority-minority relations within Canada have little or nothing to do with the demand for the right to self-determination. This demand reflects rather the concentration of the French population and the historical continuity of the French community in Quebec, and arguments over the right to self-determination are based upon interpretations of political and economic conditions within Quebec. Within Quebec, therefore, we expect to explain attitudes to independence and language rights in terms of conventional theories of support for nationalist movements, while in the rest of Canada we concentrate on theories of prejudice and support for civil liberties.     

Lesbian Studies after The Lesbian Postmodern: toward a new genealogy

While Lesbian Studies is established as a commodity in the academic marketplace, its disciplinary contours are rather more obscure-and even more problematically, its disciplinary genealogy remains somewhat crude. The dominant genealogy of Lesbian Studies might best be characterized as a 'collision model,' a battle between politics and theory, even though much existing scholarship draws on both Lesbian-Feminist Theory and Queer Theory.1 This article proposes that the tools and methods of a sub-field called 'Lesbian Cultural History' might be useful in generating other historical accounts of the origins and evolution of Lesbian Studies. Such a project is vital because the writing of our disciplinary History clarifies how we envision a disciplinary future.     

Public sector union democracy: A comparative analysis

A congressional subcommittee held “union democracy” hearings in 1998 and 1999 to debate the impact and effectiveness of the union-democracy protections provided by the Land rum-Griffin Act which provides union members in the private sector and U.S. Postal Service certain democratic rights and protections. What was not resolved at that hearing was whether state sector or public employee union members should also enjoy the same democracy protections. We survey the existing 28 state sector collective bargaining laws and find that the majority of state legislation falls considerably short of the protections provided by the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act. Moreover the consequences of limited state-enacted union-democracy protections are discussed and assessed to determine whether LMRDA jurisdiction should also cover public sector union members.     

Public attitudes toward life and death

Opinion trends in this country indicate sharp divisions in public sentiment over a number of life-taking actions. While legal abortion and capital punishment clearly head a list, a number of other issues have gained national attention in recent years. The present paper explores the structure of belief systems giving rise to normative conflicts of this kind. Of particular interest is the notion of a "pro-life" or other generic life orientation (e.g., the alleged "right-to-die" orientation of those who favor "mercy killings" in the case of terminally ill patients) as a possible explanation for public attitudes toward specific issues such as suicide and euthanasia. The present analysis assesses the empirical claims associated with such a model. The results offer qualified support for the existence of generic value orientations as revealed by public attitudes toward legal abortion, suicide, euthanasia, and capital punishment.     

Public opinion towards gambling and gambling regulation in Australia

In recent years, public opinion towards gambling has become a more important factor in shaping public policy. Using a national public opinion survey conducted in Australia in 2011, this paper examines public opinion towards gambling in general and towards the government regulation of gambling in particular. Australia is an important case study because of the internationally high prevalence of gambling among the public, combined with a strong regulatory framework. Public opinion is measured by a reduced form of a scale first developed in Britain. The results confirm the generally negative views that the public holds towards gambling, which have been found internationally. In addition, the Australian public is open to the introduction of further restrictions on gambling. Overall, the public views the liberalization of gambling as having moved as far as most citizens find acceptable; to meet public expectations, future policies need to address more adequately the negative social consequences associated with problem gambling.