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This paper reports the results of a study of sixty selected British and Australian academic texts on social policy and the welfare state. The purpose of the study was to investigate changes over the last fifteen years in the ways in which the position of women and gender-related issues are dealt with by feminist and non-feminist writers in the social policy field. Differences in the levels of feminist awareness in the various texts are found to be associated with the sex of the author, the type of book, the date of publication, the country of publication, and the socio-political and intellectual context in which the various texts were produced.  相似文献   

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近代中国妇女投身革命的过程,可以理解为妇女身体政治化的过程.妇女的革命与妇女自身的解放、民族的解放交织在一起,使得原本属于个体的身体被不断建构和社会化.革命妇女剪发乃至剃光头,表明妇女解放与国家政治之间存在一种互相认同或紧张的微妙关系.在战争年代,妇女的身体与革命之间具有某种张力,一方面革命将妇女的身体带入更为宏大的社会场域;另一方面革命可能自觉或不自觉地消解了妇女的性别意识,让妇女在参与革命的过程中忽略或暂时放弃了自身的性别身份.  相似文献   

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Correspondence to Barabara Fawcett, Department of Applied Social Studies, University of Bradford, Bradford, West Yorkshire BD7 1DP, UK. Summary In this article it is argued that poststructural and postmodernperspectives have something useful to offer social work, providedthese orientations are informed by the ‘social criticalpower of feminism’ (Fraser and Nicholson, 1993, p. 428).A case study is used to consider the utility of applying feministpoststructural and postmodern perspectives. It is contendedthat these orientations not only serve to link practice to theoryin a different way and to open up new avenues for exploration,but can also be seen to make a contribution to the debate aboutthe current constitution of social work.  相似文献   

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Objective . We examine the political attitudes and priorities of contributors to two prominent women's PACs for evidence of a gender gap. Methods . A survey of contributors to EMILY's List and to WISH List shows that contributors to both organizations are overwhelmingly women. However, because EMILY's List is so large, there is a sufficient number of men to compare to the two groups of women using percentages and difference-of-means tests. Results . Partisanship is the overriding influence on political priorities and attitudes toward economic and social welfare policy. However, partisanship and gender interact to influence political attitudes in at least two areas. First, EMILY's List men are more supportive of militarism and use of force than are EMILY's List women, but they are less supportive than WISH List women. Second, the women of EMILY's List are more staunchly feminist than either EMILY's List men or WISH List women. Conclusions . We conclude that the source of each group's financial commitment to women's political equality and reproductive rights is different: for EMILY's List women, it is liberal feminism; for WISH List women, it is libertarianism; and for EMILY's List men, it is general egalitarianism.  相似文献   

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本文以社会性别与权力、第三世界妇女与女性主义政治以及后现代主义与女性权力等三个方面为切入点,对政治人类学视野下的西方女性主义研究进行综述,在总结其以往研究的主要贡献和近年来研究的新趋向的基础上,揭示西方女性主义研究对政治人类学学科所产生的影响和冲击.  相似文献   

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英国学者安德鲁·杜伯森 (A .Dobson)在其《绿色政治思想》(GreenPoliticalThought)一书中 ,将生态主义与自由主义、保守主义、社会主义等当代主要意识形态相提并论 ,认为它是在新千年值得重视的崭新的政治意识形态。作者对生态主义与上述意识形态进行比较 ,着重指出了它区别于其他意识形态的特点。其基本观点是 :自由主义者、保守主义者、社会主义者盗用生态思想为己用的企图是空想。正如这些意识形态彼此区别一样 ,生态主义也与它们各不相同 ,是一种独立的意识形态。一、自由主义与生态主义  杜伯森指出 ,…  相似文献   

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女性主义的知识范式   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文探讨女性主义如何借助社会政治资源和学术传统资源,在对传统实证主义研究模式的批判基础上,构建自己另类的知识范式。文章从三个方面详细阐述了这种知识范式的新主张,并对其面临的争论和质疑进行了简要的分析和讨论。  相似文献   

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万春花 《江右论坛》2007,8(2):56-58
发展循环经济已经成为当今世界的潮流和趋势,循环经济将经济活动组织成为"资源-产品-消费-再生资源"的物质反复循环的闭环式流程,从上世纪90年代确定可持续发展战略以来,发达国家正在把发展循环经济、建立循环型社会看作是实施可持续发展战略的重要途径和实现方式.循环经济是集经济、技术、社会于一体的系统工程,其启动和推广不仅需要政府、企业、科学界和公众等社会各界的不懈努力和共同参与,而且需要资金、技术以及法规、制度等软硬环境的强力支撑.  相似文献   

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The history of research on intimate partner violence is reviewed, with a special focus on how my own work in this area has evolved. The role of researcher values in the research process is highlighted. Some of the issues emerging from this review are the need for better measures of intimate partner violence, reasons why women's violence has been ignored by many researchers, and a discussion of the conditions under which women display violence. Policy implications of this research are discussed .  相似文献   

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This article analyses an episode of intense socio-political conflict over the question of abortion in 1970s Italy. Considering the shifting positions of feminist groups and other pro-legalization actors on the one hand, and institutions, political parties and the Church on the other, it offers a new analysis of social mobilization, leading to parliamentary debate and legal change. It presents an original approach to an understanding of feminist challenges to patriarchal cultures and institutions, and of the latter’s immediate responses. Focusing on Italy but referring to developments in other industrialized countries, the article inscribes the history of the battle for reproductive rights in 1970s Italy within a framework centred on the Foucauldian notion of biopolitical power. It is argued that the legal settling of the issue came to be seen by state actors as central to the wider socio-political stabilization of the country. For feminists, the question of abortion was less straightforward than is often assumed. Italian feminist debate, while visibly impacting on wider society, was marked by dilemmas around the private and the public, the relationship to the state, and concerns around centring the feminist agenda on reproduction.  相似文献   

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Summary This paper seeks to explore some of the factors underpinningsocial work's apparent resistance to feminism and to dilineateways in which a more active relationship might benefit socialwork's women consumers. It argues that, by marginalizing feminism,social work has perpetuated individualistic explanations andresponses to women's specific needs and problems. Finally, insuggesting some practical strategies for making use of feministideas and experiences, particular consideration is given tosome of the contradictions which may be engendered for thosesocial workers who are actively endeavouring to integrate feministperspectives into their practice.  相似文献   

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