摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性分析

本文从历史与传统、现代与理性、宗教以及国王个人魅力等四个方面分析了1956年独立后摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性的基础和来源.作者指出,摩洛哥阿拉维君主制的统治反映了韦伯关于合法统治的三种类型,即合理型、传统型和魅力型,其中,传统型占主导地位并与伊斯兰教紧密相连.迄今,宗教神圣的合法性体现了阿拉维君主制所有统治合法性学说的本质,然而其神圣性也遭到了质疑和挑战.     

利比亚政治危机的历史探溯

卡扎菲集团没有构建合法型、传统型统治的基础,构建"魅力型统治"成为其目标。卡扎菲以"第三世界理论"和《绿皮书》为指导,以民众革命、伊斯兰社会主义、对抗西方等实践行为,构建"魅力型统治"。随着社会变迁和全球化的冲击,完全凭铁腕和魅力赢得民众认同来寻求合法性显得日益艰难。卡扎菲统治的42年,政治动员缺乏国民士气和公共精神所需求的能量。这次利比亚政治危机是北非政治危机"滚雪球效应"引发的利比亚国内政治斗争的扩大化,外来力量尤其是北约的干预直接放大了这种效应,反映了利比亚现代化中威权政治的衰朽,卡扎菲强人政治"魅力平凡化"的历程。     

摩洛哥素丹穆莱·伊斯梅尔

摩洛哥的阿拉维王朝又称菲拉勒王朝.十三世纪初希拉勒人经过长途跋涉,从阿拉伯半岛来到摩洛哥的塔菲拉勒绿洲.在摩洛哥的萨阿德王朝寿终正寝后不久,穆莱·雷席德在1660年建立了阿拉维王朝.然而,在摩洛哥的历史上,他的弟弟穆莱·伊斯梅尔比他更负盛誉.穆莱·伊斯梅尔是摩洛哥一位杰出的素丹,他的雄才大略、励精图治,曾使十七、十八世纪之交的摩洛哥达到了空前的繁荣.     

沙特君主制政权相对稳定的原国

沙特君主制政权相对稳定大抵有如下几个原因：沙特人注重血统、功名，习惯家族统治、构成沙特君主制的坚实政治、文化基础；沙特王权高举伊斯兰教旗帜，坚持以教治国，为民众所认同，并得到乌里玛的支持；政治联姻与世袭君主可择优遴选保证了沙特王权的社会基础宽阔；巨额石油收入加强了国防力量，缓解了内外矛盾；政治改革不断地缓解了各种社会矛盾。     

沙特王族君主制的伊斯兰性——沙特阿拉伯君主制的伊斯兰性刍论之一

伊斯兰教作为具有明显政治功能的宗教,对素有“伊斯兰世界盟主”之称的沙特阿拉伯王国的影响深远而广泛,其典型意义莫过于对沙特君主制度的影响和制约.沙特君主制度从产生之日起就有着明显的伊斯兰特性,并保持到现在,这一特性保证了沙特政策的连续性及政权的稳定性,成为现代沙特的立国之本.本文试从以沙特家族为核心的世俗权力和以乌里玛阶层为代表的宗教神权两方面作一探讨.一、历史渊源沙特君主制的伊斯兰性有很深的历史渊源.沙特是伊斯兰教的诞生地和摇篮,是麦加和麦地那两大伊斯兰圣城的所在地.从18世纪中叶开始,在沙特兴起了著名的伊斯兰复兴改革运动——瓦哈比运动,即1744年沙特家族的穆罕默德·本·沙特同瓦哈比运动的倡导者穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜·瓦哈比达成协议,沙特家族为瓦哈比主义提供保护和支持,瓦哈比主义则为沙特家族的统治和扩张提供合法性,结成著名的宗教政治联盟.1793年瓦哈比去世后,阿卜杜勒·阿齐兹继承教长职位,从此瓦哈比派的教长一直由沙特家族的领袖担     

领导者的人格魅力与法治——对一个实例的解析

马克斯·韦伯将权力的合法性基础归结为合理的、传统的和魅力的三类。在现实政治生活中,没有一种政治权力是纯粹合理的、传统的或者魅力的,而是三者统治类型兼有的。在社会转型期,这种兼容性体现得尤为明显。如何协调这三类权力的合法性基础,以合理性为基本取向,就是在实践中如何协调领导者的人格魅力和法治之间关系的问题。必须有效发挥领导者个人人格魅力的作用,确立以法治为基本取向的合法性基础构建之路。     

摩洛哥苏非派的历史演进及当代影响

苏非派是摩洛哥历史悠久的伊斯兰教派之一,至今已有近千年历史,但在1956年摩洛哥独立之初却被政府边缘化,直到20世纪90年代才得以重新适应社会.苏非派的活跃一方面与其自身的创新息息相关,正是其与时俱进的革新与发展适应了现代社会,满足了民众的精神需求,也保证了自身的延续;另一方面,苏非派温和的宗教观与摩洛哥打击宗教极端思想、塑造温和伊斯兰教的宗教战略相契合,得到了政府的支持与鼓励.此外,苏非派对摩洛哥也产生了深远影响.对内,苏非派有助于传播忠诚、温和、开放的价值观,有利于社会的稳定;对外,苏非派有助于加强摩洛哥的对外交流,增强其国际影响力.     

伊朗政治合法性与宗教合法性之构建

伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建一直受到重视,因为这有利于社会的长治久安。其政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建需要深厚坚实的基础,但处理好两者关系需要漫长的实践过程。本文以伊朗历史上具有代表性的政治制度和宗教为例,说明伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性构建的意义、基础、途径、两者间关系及其过程。面对全球范围内的物质和精神的冲击,伊朗面临的问题是在当今国内外新形势下,如何重新构建和巩固政权的政治合法性和宗教合法性。     

伊朗政治合法性与宗教合法性之构建

伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建一直受到重视,因为这有利于社会的长治久安。其政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建需要深厚坚实的基础,但处理好两者关系需要漫长的实践过程。本文以伊朗历史上具有代表性的政治制度和宗教为例,说明伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性构建的意义、基础、途径、两者间关系及其过程。面对全球范围内的物质和精神的冲击,伊朗面临的问题是在当今国内外新形势下,如何重新构建和巩固政权的政治合法性和宗教合法性。     

沙特现状一瞥

沙特是政教合一的君主制国家，自1932年建国以来，一直维持着现行的统治秩序和家族权力的连续性，国内局势长期保持稳定。近年来，法赫德国王因年迈体弱，已逐步将权力移交给了王储、副首相兼国民卫队司令阿卜杜拉。     

A social choice theory of legitimacy

We develop a formal theory of legitimate collective choice. In our theory a policy choice is legitimate if the process through which the final choice was determined is consistent with some principle that can be used to (perhaps partially) rank the potential policy choices. The set of principles in any choice situation is taken to be exogenous, but a decision-making process is defined so as to deal with any nontrivial set of principles. Such a process is itself referred to as legitimate if it is guaranteed to select a legitimate outcome for each possible exogenous set of principles. We characterize the class of procedures that are legitimate, prove that legitimate policy decisions consistent with principles always exist and characterize the set of policy decisions that are legitimate for a any given set of principles. As we do not require the principles to be weak orders of the alternatives, our theory provides a notion of legitimacy that can be satisfied even when the guiding principles are potentially cyclic or incomplete. Accordingly, our theory illustrates one nontautological means by which majoritarian principles can be reconciled with legitimacy.     

What is the right way to protest? On the process of justification of protest,and its relationship to the propensity to participate in different types of protest

This study explores how citizens in Spain perceive different tactics employed in anti-austerity protests in 2011–2013, and tests the model of the process of justification of protest. This model combines the elements of Gamson’s collective action frames theory (effectiveness, anger and grievances, operationalized as appraisal of harm) with the concept of legitimacy. It also links justification to the intention to participate. We empirically differentiate between three protest tactics: normative demonstrations, non-normative peaceful strategies, and non-normative violent actions. We find that demonstrations are perceived to be more legitimate, but less effective than non-normative peaceful protests. Violent strategies, on the other hand, are seen to be more effective than legitimate. We postulate and find that legitimacy and effectiveness partially or fully mediate the impact of political ideology, anger, and appraisal of harm on the probability of participation in non-normative protest. Finally, we establish meaningful differences in the predictors of the likelihood of joining normative, non-normative peaceful, or non-normative violent protests. Overall, our results suggest that the study of justification of collective action and especially, the inclusion of the notion of legitimacy, enriches our understanding of the popular approval of and propensity to participate in different forms of collective protest.     

Dealing with powerlessness: The strategic use of ingroup stereotypes

Abstract

Several studies have shown the impact of legitimacy on dealing with group power disadvantage. In the present paper we focus on the impact of internal legitimacy (i.e., the ingroup's appraisal of the fairness of its own powerless position) on the ingroup stereotype as a way of contesting the power disadvantage. Results show that especially in the internal legitimate conditions (i.e., when the ingroup seems to accept the low status position), participants reacted by way of overemphasizing the positive stereotypic dimension (warmth, Study 1), or contradicting the negative ingroup stereotype (perceiving the ingroup as less incompetent, Study 1 and 2). The last strategy was used especially by those highly identified with the ingroup, and when the legitimate/illegitimate argument is supported by a small ingroup sample (i.e., low social constraint, Study 2). Such responses can be understood as a social creativity strategy to contest the ingroup's disadvantaged and powerless position.     

Situated legitimacy: Deliberative arenas and the new rural governance

Rural governance in the UK and elsewhere has undergone far-reaching changes, as partnerships and other collaborative approaches have emerged to address the challenges of rural sustainable development. The legitimacy of this ‘new rural governance’ is purportedly grounded in deliberation between stakeholders, but this is problematic—it is not clear how ‘legitimacy’ is to be understood now that the criteria of legitimacy appropriate to representative democratic government are not obviously applicable.Here we propose an analysis of legitimacy as situated—that is, given meanings by actors in specific contexts—and continuously constructed through discursive processes, where it also plays a reciprocal, highly political role in shaping those processes. We use this framework to analyse decision making in three distinctive deliberative arenas for sustainable transport policy making in the Peak District National Park in England. Legitimacy claims were found to be significant elements in each arena, but no single, overriding legitimacy discourse was successfully established. Instead, each arena's legitimacy was a hybrid, justified through a complex mix of competing rationales.While no single conclusion can be drawn about the legitimacy of ‘the new rural governance’, the strongest legitimising principles remained those grounded in representative democracy. In contrast, the ‘new’ approaches rely on deliberative norms accepted only by (some of) the relatively limited circle of stakeholders directly involved. More generally, if such norms are to become accepted principles for legitimate rural governance, then more work is needed to discursively establish their acceptability both in networks of governance and with the wider population.     

Are They Not Worthy? How Partisan Political Blogs Legitimize the Tea Party Movement and Occupy Wall Street

Social movements struggle to gain acceptance as legitimate actors so that they can raise money, recruit members, and convince politicians to meet their demands. We know little, however, about how this legitimacy is granted by various political authorities, in part because legitimacy is often poorly operationalized. To operationalize legitimacy, I revise Charles Tilly's ( 1999 ) classic concept of WUNC displays (i.e., public presentations of worthiness, unity, numbers, commitment) to assess how political authorities legitimize social movements. I analyze original data on the coverage the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street received from 20 elite political blogs during a critical event early in each movement's development. I find that liberal and conservative blogs both use the same aspects of worthiness (and not unity, numbers, or commitment) to endorse their preferred movement but different aspects of unworthiness to denounce the movement they opposed. Conservative outlets were more partisan on both accounts. This suggests that these blogs' shared status as distinctly partisan political outsiders produces a similar, but not identical, relationship with social movements. While both sets of blogs legitimize and delegitimize a movement based on its specific strengths and weaknesses, conservative blogs act more as a partisan bullhorn and liberal blogs act more as a forum for debate.     

The legitimacy of social enterprise

Social enterprise has emerged as a businesslike contrast to the traditional nonprofit organization. This article develops an explanatory direction for social enterprise based on institutional perspectives rather than more traditional rational economic concepts. Through Suchman's typology of legitimacy (1995), the article argues that the origin and evolution of social enterprise is put into dramatically different focus, particularly through the concept of moral legitimacy. Moral legitimacy not only connects the overall emergence of social enterprise with neoconservative, pro‐business, and promarket political and ideological values that have become central in many nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development but also explains the observation that social enterprise is being more frequently understood and practiced in more narrow commercial and revenue‐generation terms.     

Stanisław Wyspiański as Proselytising Translator: National Directioning in his Polonisations of Hamlet and Le Cid

On the basis of largely neglected Hungarian sources and Austrian archival material, this article argues that, with the emergence of a “Hungarian factor” in Habsburg foreign policy after 1867, policy towards Serbia increasingly relied on the Monarchy’s personal hold over Prince Milan Obrenovi?. This strategy in turn can be seen as part of a Hungarian surrogate “imperialism,” through which the Habsburg Monarchy would enhance Hungary’s security through hegemony in the Danubian basin. The policy was eventually consolidated in 1880–1881 by a series of treaties which made Serbia an economic and political satellite of the Monarchy, but the linch-pin of the structure remained Milan Obrenovi?. Milan, however, proved an imperfect instrument since he loathed Serbia, was unpopular because of his obvious subservience to Austro-Hungarian interests, and longed for the fleshpots of Western Europe. The article suggests that such a “personal policy” was increasingly unlikely to succeed after the granting of a more liberal constitution to Serbia in 1869, and as the country became politically a more complex society. The article thus demonstrates the essentially futile nature of this exercise in personal diplomacy, and the inherent impossibility of controlling an entire society through the person of its ruler.     

Hand in hand? UN–business cooperation for health and development

This article explores legitimacy challenges arising from increased cooperation between the United Nations and large business companies in the realm of global public health through an examination of the Global Public–Private Partnership for Handwashing with Soap, seeking to prevent the spread of disease in poor communities. In contrast to many health partnerships, it does not employ a “vertical” disease-specific program, neither does it involve pharmaceutical companies. Instead the partnership stresses the marketing skills of soap companies in influencing individuals’ hygiene behavior as an important rationale for public–private partnering. The article argues that market-based governing strategies might increase the output legitimacy of global health governance, but that modes of representation and accountability have not evolved sufficiently to provide for broader input legitimacy. I propose that a human rights-based approach to health provides an alternative model that holds greater promise for legitimate governance, focusing on rights-bearing subjects instead of soap consumers.     

Struggling for Legitimacy: Trajectories of Membership and Naturalization in the Sorting Out of Engineering Students

Situated learning theory proposed the notion of legitimate peripheral participation as central to newcomers’ trajectories toward membership in communities of practice. Left underdeveloped were questions of how legitimacy is conferred or denied. Leigh Star’s work suggests ways of addressing these questions by considering how identifications of participants are made on the basis of classification systems. This article examines how classification of “calculus-readiness,” tied to an identification of engineering with mathematics, shapes the activity of students, staff, and faculty involved in a diversity program at a U.S. college of engineering, and is used to organize trajectories for students in the program.