Grassroots Movements as Transnational Actors: Implications for Global Civil Society

The past two decades witnessed the emergence of a new range of transnational social movements, networks, and organizations seeking to promote a more just and equitable global order. With this broadening and deepening of cross-border citizen action, however, troubling questions have arisen about their rights of representation and accountability—the internal hierarchies of voice and access within transnational civil society are being highlighted. The rise of transnational grassroots movements, with strong constituency base and sophisticated advocacy capability at both local and global levels, is an important phenomenon in this context. These movements are formed and led by poor and marginalized groups, and defy the stereotype of grassroots movements being narrowly focused on local issues. They embody both a challenge and an opportunity for democratizing and strengthening the role of transnational civil society in global     

Global Complexity and Global Civil Society

This paper argues that recent struggles against neoliberal axioms such as free trade and open markets have led to a militant reframing of global civil society by grassroots social movements. It contests that this struggle to invest the concept of global civil society with transformative potential rests upon an identifiable praxis, a strange attractor that disturbs other civil society actors, through its re-articulation of a politics that privileges self-organization, direct action, and direct democracy. The paper further suggests that the emergence of this antagonistic orientation is best understood through the lens of complexity theory and offers some conceptual tools to begin the process of analyzing global civil society as an outcome and effect of global complexity.     

Global Civil Society and the Question of Global Citizenship

For many recent commentators, the association of citizenship with the nation-state is under siege, as transnational and even global forms of citizenship begin to emerge. The nascent phenomenon of global citizenship in particular is characterized by three components: the global discourse on human rights; a global account of citizenly responsibilities; and finally “global civil society.” This last component is supposed to give a new global citizenship its “political” character, and for many represents the most likely vehicle for the emergence of a global, democratic citizen politics. This paper critically examines this view, asking whether a global form of citizenship is indeed emerging, and if so whether “global civil society” is well-equipped to stand in as its political dimension. The paper examines two opposed narratives on the potential of global civil society to form a political arm of global citizenship, before returning by way of conclusion to the vexed notion of global citizenship itself.This paper draws from the final chapter of Rethinking Equality: the Challenge of Equal Citizenship, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2006.     

Evidence of Global Civil Society

This paper considers the relationship between Seoul's growing status as a world city and the practices of urban destruction and development which are being used to construct it as a world city in the age of neoliberal globalisation. The urbicide approach is often used to explain the reasons for urban destruction and the cultural and social implications of urban restructuring. The paper questions the novelty and substantive nature of the South Korean government's soft-power ‘global Korea’ rhetoric of Seoul as a world city of cultural diversity. The paper uses the South Korean case to show how urbicide as a western concept can be developed within non-western urban processes, and identifies conceptual limits and how these limits might be overcome.

Este artículo considera la relación entre el estado creciente de Seúl como una ciudad mundial y las prácticas de destrucción y desarrollo urbano que se han utilizado para construir a Seúl como una ciudad mundial en la era de la globalización neoliberal. El enfoque de urbicidio se usa frecuentemente para explicar las razones por la destrucción urbana y las implicaciones culturales y sociales de la reestructuración urbana. El artículo cuestiona la novedad y naturaleza substantiva del poder blando del gobierno de Corea del Sur, sobre la retórica de ‘Corea global’ de Seúl como una ciudad mundial de diversidad cultural. El artículo usa el caso de Corea del Sur para mostrar cómo el ubicidio como un concepto de occidente puede desarrollarse dentro de procesos urbanos no occidentales, e identifica límites conceptuales y cómo esos límites pueden sobreponerse.

本文考察首尔作为世界都市日益增长的地位同在新自由主义的全球化时代为把首尔建设为世界都市而带来的都市破坏、开发之行为之间的关系。都市自我毁灭方式 (urbicide approach）一词 经常被用来解释都市大破坏的原因,以及都市重组的社会和文化影响。本文质疑南韩政府把首尔打造为具有文化多样性的世界城市“全球的首尔”这一软实力之奇思异想及其实质。本文运用南韩的案例以图说明,作为一个西方概念的都市自我毁灭如何能够在（南韩这样的）非西方的都市化进程中再现,并试图探讨概念上的局限,以及如何克服这些局限。

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В работе рассматривается взаимосвязь между растущим статусом Сеула как города мира и методами городского уничтожения и развития, которые используются для построения Сеула как мирового города в эпоху неолиберальной глобализации. “Urbicide” подход часто используется, чтобы объяснить причины городского разрушения, культурные и социальные последствия городской реструктуризации. Статья подвергает сомнению новизну и независимую природу “мягкой силы” “Глобальной Кореи”, исповедуемой южнокорейским правительством, как и Сеула как города мирового культурного многообразия. Статья использует южнокорейский случай, чтобы показать, что “urbicide” как западная концепция может быть развита в рамках не-западных городских процессов, а так же определяет концептуальные ограничения и как эти ограничения могут быть преодолены.     

Global Catholicism and the Politics of Civil Society

A transformation of the politics of Catholicism worldwide has taken place. The final recognition of the modern principle of religious freedom at Vatican II, together with the assumption by the church of the modern doctrine of human rights, has altered the traditional dynamic of church state relations and the role of the church both nationally and transnationally.
National churches no longer aspire to become state compulsory institutions. It is this voluntary "disestablishment" that has permitted the church to play a key role in recent transitions to democracy throughout the Catholic world. Simultaneously, the papacy has assumed the vacant role of spokesperson for humanity, for the sacred dignity of the human person, for world peace, and for a more fair division of labor and power in the world system.
As the Catholic Church abandons the private sphere assigned to religion and enters the undifferentiated public sphere of civil society to take part in ongoing processes of normative contestation, a tension between catholic universality and Roman Catholic particularity becomes evident.     

Global Civil Society and Its Discontents

According to enthusiasts the concept of global civil society is spreading rapidly and becoming pivotal to the reconfiguring of the statist paradigm. However, critics have recently grown more numerous and outspoken in opposition to the term claiming that it is actually perpetuating statism by grafting the idea of civil society onto the global by way of an unhelpful domestic analogy. This paper examines the role the concept is playing in perpetuating/reconfiguring statism. First it summarizes current criticism by identifying three basic accusations: the ambiguity of the term, the “domestic fallacy,” and the undemocratic effects of using it. Second, these criticisms are considered in turn and it is concluded that all three points relate, ultimately, back to the failure of the critics themselves and some global civil society theorists to move beyond a state-centered framework of interpretation. In the final section it is shown how global civil society discourse is beginning to move not only the concept of “civil society” away from its state-centred historical meanings, but also how it is contributing to changing the content of the concept of “the global.”

Global Visions: Global Civil Society and the Lessons of European Environmentalism

To illuminate the obstacles to the development of a global civil society, the experience of the most developed transnational social movement—the environmental movement—in the most developed supranational political system—the European Union—is considered. National differences are shown to be persistent and there is little evidence of Europeanization. It is argued that the impediments to the development of a global civil society are yet greater and that, despite the advent of antiglobalization protests, global civil society remains an aspiration rather thanan accomplished fact     

Global Civil Society: Myths and Prospects

Is the concept of “global civil society” a Sorelian-type myth that captures intuitively an emergent political project? Or is it, rather, a discursive political terrain open to many interpretations, not all of which might be progressive? A radical democratic content would be one way of filling out the “empty signifier,” which “global civil society” is, but not the only one.

     

Religion,Nationalism, and Transnational Civil Society in the Eritrean Diaspora

This article examines the emergence and significance of religion among Eritreans in the United States as a basis for building community in diaspora, reconfiguring nationalist identity, and constituting transnational civil society. It argues three related points: that religious identity and gatherings help mitigate against fractured political identities that have weakened secular diaspora associations; that practicing Eritrean identity through religion challenges the hegemonic power of the Eritrean state to transnationally control diaspora communities and dictate national identity; and that the very incipience of religious bodies as transnational avenues provides Eritreans in diaspora with an autonomous space to resist the state's totalizing demands. Through a critical ethnographic investigation of religious identity and church bodies in Eritrea and one United States diaspora community, the article shows that uneven transnational networks between the United States and Eritrea create new spaces for political action. Specifically, the relative autonomy of churches and the incipience of their transnationalism allow diaspora Eritreans to use religion in the constitution of an emergent transnational civil society.     

Reflections on the Concept and Measurement of Global Civil Society

This paper argues that the current academic debate about global civil society has reached a point where some assessment or reflection could be useful for informing the course of future research in the field. Behind this call for an assessment is the very nature of the debate and emerging gaps and weaknesses that together produce a potential slow-down in generating new knowledge and understanding of global civil society. There are several shortcomings to the current research approach: the failure to take account of other civil society traditions; the failure to address the relationship between global civil society, conflict, and violence; and, most critically, the neglect of the notion of civility, both conceptually and empirically. The balance of the paper then explores the implications of this new assessment of global civil society research.     

Antenarrative and Transnational Labour Rights Activism: Making Sense of Complexity and Ambiguity in the Interaction between Global Social Movements and Global Corporations

Abstract

This paper draws on antenarrative research and writing techniques to analyse the long-running transnational campaign seeking to improve respect for human rights in the supply chains of Nike and other major sportswear companies. The antenarrative approach challenges scholars to look beyond pre-existing expectations, both in terms of which actors and processes are likely to be most influential and in terms of what is motivating participation in those processes which are significant. In this paper we construct antenarrative accounts of two aspects of the Nike campaign and counterpoint each of our antenarratives with an established scholarly account based on more traditional narrative approaches. We conclude antenarrative analysis can provide useful insights into interaction between global activist networks and global corporations, particularly by drawing attention to the generative possibilities of the complex combination of ordered and disordered processes which often characterise that interaction.     

Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks

This study offers a first empirical test at a truly global level of two contradictory models of global civil society in the global governance system that are put forth by neo-Gramscian thought. The first model posits that global civil society is coopted by hegemonic capitalist and political elites, and promotes hegemonic interests by distributing neoliberal values and providing a façade of opposition. The second model views global civil society as the infrastructure from which counter-hegemonic resistance, and ultimately a counter-hegemonic historic bloc will evolve and challenge neoliberal hegemony. The predictions that these two views make as to the structure of global civil society networks are tested through network analysis of a matrix of links between 10,001 international NGOs in a purposive sample of INGOs extracted from the database of the Union of International Associations. The findings provide partial support to the predictions of both models, and lead to the conclusion that at present global civil society is in a transitional phase, but that the current infrastructure provided by the global INGOs network is conducive to the development of a counter-hegemonic historic bloc in the future, providing the northern bias in network is decreased. Strategic steps needed to achieve this are presented.     

Global Civil Society and Ethnic Social Movements in the Contemporary World

Studies on ethnic movements have largely overlooked the global dimensions of ethnic social movements. Drawing on social movement theories and the world culture approach, I argue that linkage to global civil society gives rise to ethnic mobilization because it diffuses models of claim-making based on human rights ideas, while intergovernmental networks suppress ethnic mobilization as they enhance state power and authority. Tobit analyses on violent and nonviolent ethnic mobilizations show that, controlling for domestic factors, linkage to global civil society raises the potential for ethnic social movements, while intergovernmental networks do not have a strong impact on ethnic mobilization.     

The Potentials and Limitations of Civil Society Research: Getting Undone Science Done

The term "undone science" refers to absences of scientific research that social movement and other civil society organizations find when attempting to make epistemic claims in the political field. The existing literature has identified various pathways for addressing the knowledge needs of civil society organizations, including asking elected and appointed political leaders to shift funding priorities and directly seeking support and partnerships with scientists. Here, a third pathway is identified and explored: civil society organizations that have the resources to fund their own research. A sample of such "civil society research" from large, mainstream, U.S. environmental organizations demonstrates that although the large organizations do engage in such research, most of it is not published in peer-reviewed journals. The peer-reviewed research is found almost exclusively in large preservation and conservation organizations that have staffs of scientists. Most of the other research reports are oriented toward documenting environmental problems and providing policy and management solutions. The research is highly applied and does not represent fundamental contributions to large mainstream scientific fields. Comparisons with civil society research in the author's previous research projects on religion, health, and economic development are discussed to assess applicability of the concept for other sociological subfields.     

Global Civil Society: The Dialectics of Concept and Reality

This paper maps out the potential of a Gramscian conceptualisation of global civil society for understanding global resistance to neoliberal globalisation and contemporary global governance. First, the principal features of contention between contemporary representations of global civil society in studies of global resistance are examined. A predominant focus on perpetuating the division between normative and empirical conceptualisations is reoriented towards a Gramscian conceptualisation which, it is argued, affirms the emancipative potential of global civil society in global resistance. Initiating a dialogue between concept and reality (Cox, 1999 Cox, R. W. 1999. Civil society at the turn of the millennium: Prospects for an alternative world order. Review of International Studies, 25(1): 3–28. (doi:10.1017/S0260210599000042)[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar])—also referred to as the ‘dialectical nexus’ (Gramsci, 1971 Gramsci, A. 1971. Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci translated by Q. Hoare & G. Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers; London: Lawrence and Wishart) [Google Scholar])—offers alternative possibilities for the substantive analysis of global civil society in relation to global resistance. This moves Gramscian civil society towards a conceptual grounding which deals with the formation, negotiation and re-negotiation of transversal hegemony and recovers, and emphasises, the role of human agency within the global political economy.

Este artículo expone el potencial de una conceptualización gramsciana de la sociedad civil global, para entender la resistencia global a la globalización neoliberal y la gobernanza global contemporánea. Primero, se han examinado las principales características de controversia entre las representaciones contemporáneas de la sociedad civil global, en los estudios de la resistencia global. Un enfoque predominante en perpetuar la división entre las conceptualizaciones normativas y empíricas, está reorientado hacia una conceptualización gramsciana, de la cual se sostiene, que afirma el potencial tendiente a ser libre de la sociedad civil global, en la resistencia global. Con el inicio de un diálogo entre concepto y realidad (Cox 1999)—también referido como el ‘nexo dialéctico’ (Gramsci, 1971)—ofrece posibilidades alternativas para el análisis sustantivo de la sociedad civil global en relación a la resistencia global. Esto hace avanzar a la sociedad civil gramsciana hacia un fundamento conceptual que se ocupa de la formación, negociación y la renegociación de la hegemonía transversal y recupera y enfatiza el rol de la agencia humana dentro de la economía política global.

为了理解对新自由主义全球化和当代全球治理的全球抵制,本文勾勒全球公民社会的葛兰西主义概念化的潜在意义。第一,在关于全球抵制的研究中,本文探讨了公民社会的当代代表性之间争论的主要特征。主流的聚焦规范和实证的概念化之间分野的固化被重新定位,以趋于葛兰西主义的概念化,此种概念化被认为是肯定了在全球抵制中全球公民社会解放的潜在意义。倡议概念与现实之间的对话（考克斯,1999）——也指向诸如“辩证的相互联系”（Gramsci, 1971）——为与全球抵制有关的、对全球公民社会的实质分析提供了替代的可能性。这使得葛兰西主义的公民社会趋于一种概念性的基础,而这种基础论及横切的霸权的构成、谈判和再谈判,以及复原、强化全球政治经济中的人类行动的作用。

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Эта статья картографирует потенциал концептуализации Грамши мирового гражданского общества для того, чтобы понять глобальное сопротивление неолиберальной глобализации и современное глобальное управление. В первую очередь, рассматриваются главные особенности раздора между современными представлениями глобального гражданского общества в исследованиях глобального сопротивления. Особое внимание, уделяемое сохранению разделения между нормативной и эмпирической концептуализациями будет переориентировано на концептуализацию Грамши, которая, как утверждается, подтверждает освободительный потенциал глобального гражданского общества в глобальном сопротивлении. Инициирование диалога между концепцией и реальностью (Cox, 1999) также называют «диалектической связью» (Грамши, 1971) - предлагаются альтернативные возможности для независимого анализа глобального гражданского общества в связи с глобальными сопротивлением. Это перемещает гражданское общество Грамши к концептуальным основам, которые касаются формирования, переговоров и повторных обсуждений трансверсальной гегемонии и восстановления, и подчеркивает роль человеческой деятельности в рамках глобальной политической экономики.     

全球结构性改革与自贸区开放试验

当前全球结构性改革和治理体系重构处于关键时期,新一代国际投资贸易规则正在加速形成,谋求实现更高水平的市场准入,焦点从传统的边界措施拓展到边界内措施.这些趋势将对中国产生十分重要的影响,中国应审时度势,积极参与国际经贸规则制定,争取全球经济治理制度性权力.自贸试验区作为我国对外开放的试验田,下阶段应在更高层次对标国际经贸规则,聚焦若干核心制度和基础性制度,以更大勇气推进开放试验,积极推进一揽子措施的压力测试,为我国参与国际规则制定积累经验.     

Envisioning a Feminist Global Society Cypriot Women,Civil Society and Social Change

This article does not have an abstract     

When Battlefields become Marketplaces: Migrant Workers and the Role of Civil Society and NGO Activism in Thailand

The vast majority of migrant workers in Thailand are employed predominantly in low‐paying occupations commonly described as “3‐D jobs” (dangerous, dirty, and difficult). Currently, there are nearly two million documented and undocumented migrant workers, mostly from neighbouring Burma, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, and Cambodia, employed in various industries, including domestic service, throughout the country. While over half a million migrants are officially registered to work in the country, both documented and undocumented migrant workers remain unprotected primarily due to the lack of concrete measures to monitor, implement and enforce laws regarding working and living conditions. Regardless of where they are employed, migrant workers face common problems: low wages; harmful working conditions, poor living conditions; discrimination and harassment, the threat of arrest and deportation; and lack of access to basic resources such as medical care and legal assistance. Based on preliminary research conducted in the summer of 2005, this article looks at the situation of migrant factory and domestic workers in Thailand and explores the ways in which local activists, NGOs, community‐based organisations, and international bodies have been looking to assist and protect migrant workers. Successful migrant workers’ struggles and ongoing efforts of mobilization have been made possible with the help of these support groups, and raise the possibility that union and NGO activity have the potential to improve the situation of migrants in Thailand. This also raises the question of whether advocacy groups should be acting in lieu of the state rather than alongside the state, especially when it appears that they are fulfilling their civic duty as enforcer and monitor of migrant workers’ problems.