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1.
Shale Horowitz & Dr. Rabbi Dana Evan Kaplan 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2001,39(3):3-32
In the 1990s, the Jewish population of South Africa declined at an unprecedented rate in marked contrast to Jewish populations in other English-speaking countries.
Possible explanations include fear of political instability and political violence, deteriorating economic conditions and prospects, fear of directly discriminatory government policies, rising violent crime rates, and more permissive immigration policies in desirable destination countries.
All but the last of these factors appear to have played some role. However, only changes in violent crime rates provide an explanation for the unprecedented surge in net emigration, persisting even after a successful political and economic transition to majority black rule under moderate African National Congress governments.
Changes in crime rates also provide the most satisfactory explanation for related changes in internal migration patterns. 相似文献
Possible explanations include fear of political instability and political violence, deteriorating economic conditions and prospects, fear of directly discriminatory government policies, rising violent crime rates, and more permissive immigration policies in desirable destination countries.
All but the last of these factors appear to have played some role. However, only changes in violent crime rates provide an explanation for the unprecedented surge in net emigration, persisting even after a successful political and economic transition to majority black rule under moderate African National Congress governments.
Changes in crime rates also provide the most satisfactory explanation for related changes in internal migration patterns. 相似文献
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Melvin Goldberg 《Social Dynamics》2013,39(2):67-73
by Robert H. Davies. New York: Harvester Press, 1979, R40,45. 相似文献
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Pineteh Angu 《Sociology Compass》2023,17(9):e13123
Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by growing feelings of pain, anger and frustration amongst black communities triggered by pervasive social inequalities. This has given birth to a new form of political and social activism shaped by crude violence, vandalism, destruction, brutal killings of women and children as well as thuggery in different black communities. It has also led to an upsurge in violence particularly on Africans from other parts of the continent. In this article, I attempt to examine how racial politics and resilient white privilege intersect to trigger afrophobic violence in South Africa. I draw on existing literature on broad conceptions of race and xenophobia to make a set of assertions about racial valuations, the resilience of white supremacy and black on black violence. In the article, I argue that black South Africans' pain, anger and the performance of violence on African migrants are on one level a consequence of resilient structural racism and racial practices, which continue to marginalize, emasculate and dispossess blacks. These racial practices force black South Africans to look elsewhere to express their anger, pains and frustrations. 相似文献
5.
Maitse T 《Gender and development》1998,6(3):55-59
Women in post-apartheid South Africa face greater constitutional privileges than ever before; however, political change has been accompanied by an acceleration of direct and indirect violence against women. The legalization (on the grounds of the right to freedom of expression) of pornography represents an incitement to such violence. Moreover, political and social changes associated with the change to a new regime have exacerbated some men's sense of insecurity. Rape and violence, fueled by pornography, represent a means for men to re-establish personal control. Although South Africa passed a Domestic Violence Bill in 1998, the links between violence and pornography have not been discussed. There has been a failure to recognize that pornography degrades and disempowers women in the home, workplace, and broader society. Like prostitution, pornography contributes to the creation of an image of women as objects--a view that facilitates rape and domestic violence. The pornography industry both creates and feeds on men's need to control women. The contradiction between the Bill of Right's Freedom of Speech clause that permits pornography and commitments made in other sections of the document to gender equality must be addressed. 相似文献
6.
Marius Pieterse 《Social Dynamics》2013,39(3):482-501
This article considers the legal and spatial dimensions of urban sexual citizenship in South Africa. It reflects upon the manner in which legal and spatial regulation of sex evokes the private/public dichotomy and upholds an essentially heteronormative conception of sexual citizenship, before evaluating rights-based strategies that have thus far been employed in attempts to resist this. Thereafter, it argues for amalgamating these strategies under an extended notion of the right to the city that, it contends, is capable of fostering a more inclusive concept of sexual citizenship. 相似文献
7.
Usefulness and Reliability of Tanner Pubertal Self‐Rating to Urban Black Adolescents in South Africa
Self‐rating of pubertal development is the recommended method to assess puberty in large community‐based surveys of adolescent development and behavior. The aim of this study was to validate for the first time pubertal self‐assessment using the sexual maturation scale developed by Tanner among Black South African adolescents (n=182) aged between 10 and 18 years who were recruited and assessed at public schools in Soweto—Johannesburg. There was significant concordance between adolescents' and same sex health professional's assessment of pubic hair growth and breast development in females (κ coefficients .71 and .76, respectively; p<.0005), and pubic hair growth and genital development in males (κ coefficients .63 and .60, respectively; p<.0005). We conclude that the Tanner pubertal self‐rating appears to be a reasonably valid instrument to use among black South African youth. The tool can be administered in school or other community‐based settings with moderate confidence provided the procedure is thoroughly explained to the participant through the developed tutorial in the language of choice, and privacy and confidentiality are assured. 相似文献
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Clifton C. Crais 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(3):201-206
The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1840. By RICHARD ELPHICK and HERMANN GILIOMEE. Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1989. Second Edition. xix, 623 pp. The Slave Question: Liberty and Property in South Africa. By R.L. WATSON. Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 1990. xi, 274 pp. 相似文献
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《Home Cultures》2013,10(1):71-88
ABSTRACTThis article explores the queer writings of Boston-born Edward Perry warren (1860–1928) and the spaces of his Lewes House, East Sussex, that formed the basis of his Uranian ideal. warren, along with his personal secretary (aka lover), John Marshall, amassed an impressive collection of mainly antiquities, most of which helped to form the Boston Museum of Fine Art. At Lewes House warren conceived a community of younger, liked-minded men, many of whom benefited directly from his financial generosity and guidance. For the owner of the house education and intellectual pursuits were the guiding principles behind what was ultimately an ancient-Greek inspired homosocial community. Lewes House was austere and coded as a space for both his much celebrated collection and community, each being an extension of the other. In his three-volume The Defence of Uranian Love (1928), written under the pseudonym of Arthur Lyon Raile, warren falls within a specific literary tradition of queer authors at the end of the nineteenth century who turned back to ancient Greece as a preferred exemplary society in which an older male figure took a younger male under his tutelage and protection, guiding him to his adult life. An important missing component of the Greek ideal that men like warren espoused and wrote about was the space in which this ideal could be performed, worked through, and aestheticized. 相似文献
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ELIZABETH FRANCIS 《Journal of historical sociology》1995,8(1):59-78
Abstract The new south African government plans a large-scale and rapid redistribution of land to African smallholder farmers. This programme draws on proposals put forward by the World Bank. Historians have been largely absent from processes of consultation surrounding the programme. Yet recent South African rural historiography has much to say about the limitations on the ability of the state to restructure agrarian relations. It also underlines the importance of understanding the diversity of needs and aspirations of rural Africans. 相似文献
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Mitchell Loeb Arne H. Eide Jennifer Jelsma Mzolisi ka Toni Soraya Maart 《Disability & Society》2008,23(4):311-321
The impact of disability on the living conditions of people living in specifically resource‐poor areas in South Africa has not previously been addressed. This paper presents a comparison of people with a disability and their non‐disabled peers with respect to some key poverty indicators among a sample of Xhosa speaking individuals in resource‐poor areas of Eastern and Western Cape Provinces. A questionnaire on the level of living conditions (household composition and socio‐economic characteristics) and a detailed disability questionnaire that captured more specific details of the disability experience of the individual with a disability were adapted to the South African context and utilised. Despite the improved situation of households with a disabled family member in terms of financial resources (due primarily to the allocation of disability grants), other measures of poverty (education and employment) remain divisive for those with disabilities. 相似文献
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A relational study of the Black middle classes and globalised White hegemony: Identities,interactions, and ideologies in the United States,United Kingdom,and South Africa 下载免费PDF全文
Ali Meghji 《Sociology Compass》2017,11(9)
In this paper, I explore the experiences of the Black middle classes across the United States, United Kingdom (UK), and South Africa. I argue that the similar experiences the Black middle classes face across these nations are not coincidental but represent the process of globalised White hegemony. Globalised White hegemony refers to how the middle class, transnationally, is often understood as a symbolic category informed by specific White norms, identifications, and practices. I explore globalised White hegemony through three areas of Black middle‐class experience: identity, interactions, and ideologies. Thus, I examine how across the UK, United States, and South Africa, the Black middle classes construct public identities according to White norms, encounter interactions through which their blackness negatively trumps their middle‐class status, and confront classed‐racialised ideologies, which construe the Black middle class as inauthentic. I argue in this paper that central to fleshing out the similarities in Black middle‐class experiences across the globe is engaging in relational sociology, which stresses the globalised nature of contemporary raciality. 相似文献
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Daniel Hammett 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2014,52(4):41-52
Transnational physician migration has concerned states' health and migration policies for many years. Recent developments have increased attention to the outcomes of these flows in the global south, where physician emigration is undermining public health policies. Cuba's exporting of medical professionals presents an alternative dynamic, based upon both an ideology of humanitarian solidarity and a need to secure hard currency earnings. The benefits and challenges arising from a bilateral agreement between Cuba and South Africa to supply Cuban doctors to South Africa and training at the Latin American Medical School (ELAM) for South African medical students are addressed. The benefits of skills enhancement and professional development are noted, as well as the economic benefits for both the Cuban government and individual doctors, while concerns with the appropriateness of the medical training provided at ELAM for the South African health context and the sustainability of the current policy are discussed.
Policy Implications
- Strategic bi‐lateral agreements offer a productive route towards more sustainable management of skilled migration.
- When migration agreements include skills training, attention is needed to ensure the training provided is appropriate to the destination context: attention needs to be paid to the appropriateness of the medical training afforded to South African medical students in Cuba for health requirements in South Africa.
- International migration agreements can form part of a broader policy suite aimed at realizing public health and other development priorities. However, attention must be paid to the suitability and sustainability of the outcomes of these practices.
15.
Shelley Clark Cassandra Cotton Letícia J. Marteleto 《Journal of marriage and the family》2015,77(2):575-589
Young South African fathers are often engaged in their children's lives even if they do not live together. Using longitudinal data on children (n = 1,209) from the Cape Town area, the authors show that although only 26% of young fathers live with their children, 66% of nonresidential fathers maintain regular contact, and 61% provide financial support. The father–child relationship, however, is embedded in broader family ties. The type of father–mother relationship is strongly associated with whether fathers coreside with their children but not with fathers' contact with nonresidential children. Close mother and maternal grandmother bonds reduce the likelihood that fathers live with their children, whereas close ties between fathers and paternal grandmothers increase the chance that fathers visit nonresidential children. Family ties do not affect fathers' financial contributions, which are driven by men's current economic situation. These findings illustrate that father–child relationships are best understood in the context of interacting family systems. 相似文献
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《Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series》2010,47(4):18364C-18365B
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April Linton 《Globalizations》2013,10(5):725-740
Fairtrade certification is part of a larger, transnational movement aiming to preserve or create sustainability for workers and the environment. For export-food producers in the global South, it means a fair price, fair labor conditions, direct relationships with buyers, and democracy within their organizations. In democratic South Africa, Fairtrade is linked to government-incentivized Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) initiatives. The movement is, in effect, certifying and labelling transformative programmes to economically empower members of previously disadvantaged groups. This paper explores the intersection of BEE and Fairtrade in the post-apartheid wine industry. Based on interviews with relevant stakeholders and secondary sources, it shows that the South African context has necessitated some re-negotiation of fairness, and of the role of the international Fairtrade certifier. Although Fairtrade products from South Africa are primarily sold in Europe and North America, NGOs and businesses in the global North have not simply handed down the rules, asking for compliance in return for a label, as might be expected under neoliberal globalization. Rather, the Fairtrade label on South African products means that it was produced according to South African rules that aim to promote social transformation. La certificación de Comercio Justo hace parte de un mayor movimiento trasnacional que intenta preservar o crear sostenibilidad para trabajadores y el medio ambiente. Para los productores de alimentos para la exportación en el sur global, esto significa un precio justo, condiciones de trabajo justas, relaciones directas con sus compradores y una democracia dentro de sus organizaciones. En la democrática Sudáfrica, el Comercio Justo está ligado a las iniciativas incentivadas por el gobierno al Empoderamiento económico negro (BEE, por sus siglas en inglés). El movimiento es en efecto, la certificación y etiquetación de programas transformativos para empoderar económicamente a miembros de grupos previamente en desventaja. Este artículo explora la intersección del BEE y el Comercio Justo en la industria vitivinícola del post apartheid. En base a entrevistas con las partes interesadas y fuentes secundarias, se demuestra que el contexto sudafricano ha necesitado alguna renegociación justa, y en el rol de certificador internacional de Comercio Justo. Aunque los productos del Comercio Justo de Sudáfrica se venden primariamente en Europa y Norteamérica, las ONG y los negocios en el norte global no han transmitido las reglas, pidiendo cumplimiento a cambio de una etiqueta, como se podría esperar bajo la globalización neoliberal. Por lo contrario, la etiqueta del Comercio Justo en los productos sudafricanos, significa que fue producido de acuerdo a las reglas sudafricanas que intentan promover la transformación social. 公平贸易认证属于一场更大规模的跨国运动的组成部分,该运动旨在维持或创造工人和环境的可持续发展。对于南方国家的出口食品生产商而言,公平贸易认证意味着公平价格、公平劳动条件、与买家的直接联系和组织内部的民主。在民主国家南非,公平贸易与政府鼓励的南非黑人经济振兴政策(BEE)倡议相关。这项倡议实际上通过对变革方案的认证和分类,谋求改变从前处于弱势地位的群体成员的经济地位。本文探讨了在后种族隔离时代的葡萄酒行业中,南非黑人经济振兴政策和公平贸易的交集。根据与有关利益相关者的访谈和二手资料,本文证明了在南非的环境下,公平这一概念和国际公平贸易认证机构的作用有必要进行重新谈判。在新自由主义全球化的背景下,尽管南非的公平贸易产品主要销往欧洲和北美,北方国家的非政府组织和企业却出乎意料地没有简单地制定规则并要求南非遵守,以换取其对南非公平贸易产品的承认。相反,南非产品的公平贸易标签意味着它按照南非制定的规则进行生产,这些规则旨在促进南非的社会转型。 ???? ????? ???? ??? ?? ?????? ????? ??? ? ??? ?? ??? ????? ????. ????? ??? ???? ???? ????? ??? ?? ??, ?? ?? ??, ??? ???, ??? ?? ? ????? ????. ???? ????? ????? ??? ?????? ?? ???? ??(Black Economic Empowerment, BEE)? ???? ??. ? ??? ??? ??? ???? ????? ????? ?? ?? ?? ??? ?? ??? ???? ?? ??????. ?? ?????? ???? 2??? ???? ????, ? ??? ??? ??? ???? ?? ???? ??? ????? ??? ?? ???? ?? ??? ?? ????. ???? ???? ???? ??? ???? ?????, ???? NGO? ??? ?????? ????? ????? ??? ?? ???? ??? ????? ??? ???? ???? ???. ? ?? ???? ??? ?? ???? ??? ?? ??? ???? ?? ???? ?? ??? ??? ??? ?????? ?? ????. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThe concept of a movement landscape is used to analyse continuities and changes in popular mobilization since the end of formal apartheid. Focusing on four different episodes of protest since 1997, the article examines their relationship to the ANC movement and traditions, and their organizational forms. It finds a general theme of fluid and ephemeral organization, and a distrust of formal hierarchal organization, that is relatively new in South Africa. The Marikana strikes produced the most far-reaching organizational realignments, while the student struggles generated the most innovative re-imaginings of political forms and discourses. It concludes that although there have been critiques of and challenges to the ANC tradition, and experiments with new forms of organizing, they have not produced alternatives that have lasted or dislodged the dominant approaches defined and popularized by the ANC movement. 相似文献
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Abstact This paper reflects on the results of a national quantitative survey on giving in South Africa. It explores the extent and
character of giving; who gives, to whom, with what intention? The survey results revealed that South Africa is richly resourced
with a diverse and multicultural spectrum of giving behaviors, which are commonplace in everyday life. The spectrum of giving
behaviors is so diverse in shape and form that it contradicts many of the basic assumptions of the philanthropic literature,
which locate the act of giving primarily in the domain of the wealthy and powerful. 相似文献