An Examination of Influences on Body Dissatisfaction Among Asian American College Females: Do Family,Media, or Peers Play a Role?

Abstract

Objective: The etiology of body dissatisfaction and its correlates (eg, disordered eating) among ethnic minorities is generally unknown. The purpose of this study was to replicate the tripartite model of influence in an Asian American college female sample in order to examine this relationship. Participants: Participants were 80 undergraduate Asian American females between the ages of 18 and 25. Methods: Participants completed a survey that included the Tripartite Influence Scale, Body Parts Satisfaction Scale, and Sociocultural Attitudes towards Appearance Questionnaire–3. Results: Mediation analyses indicated that thin-ideal internalization fully mediated the relationship between media influence and body dissatisfaction and partially mediated the relationship between peer influence and body dissatisfaction. Family influence did not significantly predict body dissatisfaction. Conclusions: Asian American college females experience body dissatisfaction through mechanisms that have not been examined in detail. These factors must be considered when creating targeted health promotion strategies and developing best practices for eating disorder assessment and treatment protocols at university health centers.     

Outsider ethnic minorities and wage determination in China

While some studies on urban ethnic minorities in China indicate that they earn lower wages relative to the Han majority, others show little evidence of this gap. To understand this contradiction, the authors propose that the primary issue is a failure to fully disaggregate ethnic minority groups’ labour market experiences. Leveraging a large data set looking at China's ethnic minorities, findings suggest that “outsider minorities”, such as Tibetans and Turkic groups, suffer a significant wage penalty when controlling for covariates, while minorities in aggregate do not. These findings are robust across various specifications and have notable theoretical and policy implications.     

Conflict Resolution Network Schools Development Australia

This paper outlines how a school climate and culture can be changed through the implementation of a Whole School Approach to Conflict Resolution and Peer Mediation Skilling. The role of external consultancy (Conflict Resolution Network Schools Development), consisting of specialist consultants with an education background, is part of a general “grassroots” movement, led by the Conflict Resolution Network and affecting institutions, business and groups in our society. The paper firstly emphasises conflict resolution skill training (12 Skills Toolkit) to educators by the consultant. Secondly, a 10 step implementation process is presented to educators who generally hold administrative positions. Two case studies are included to provide examples of different approaches based on the initial conflict resolution skilling of teachers. Don White from James Busby High School gives a brief history of the stages of implementation of conflict resolution skills in his school. Dilcie Singh outlines the linking of a Peer Mediation program to part of the school visison “Valuing People”.     

‘Second-order’ ethnic minorities in Asian secessionist conflicts: problems and prospects

This article provides some conceptual foundations for a special issue of Asian Ethnicity concerned with what we call ‘second-order minorities’. If secessionist conflicts involve minorities resisting abusive, assimilationist states, leading rebel groups to embark on their own nation-building efforts, how does this affect the minorities of aspiring secessionist nations? How do the minorities of secessionist groups respond to secessionism? Despite many insightful studies of secessionism and rebel ethno-nationalism, scholars have yet to explore the ways that local minorities navigate secessionist conflicts. We suggest that the relationship between secessionists and second-order minorities depends on three key factors: whether minorities are territorially concentrated or dispersed, indigenous or migrant, and nation majorities or small national minorities. These characteristics provide us some idea of the types of violence and counter-mobilization we might see among second-order minorities faced with secessionist violence. This article then previews the subsequent studies of Xinjiang, Aceh, Mindanao, and Sri Lanka, cases which capture some of the core challenges faced by second-order minorities against twin violent nation-building efforts from state and rebel forces.     

Race,Religion, and the Social Integration of New Immigrant Minorities in Canada1

The social integration of Canada’s new religious minorities is determined more by their racial minority status than by their religious affiliation or degree of religiosity, according to results from Statistics Canada’s 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey. Interview questions tap life satisfaction, affective ties to Canada, and participation in the wider community. Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Hindus are slower to integrate socially, mainly because they are mostly racial minorities. Degree of religiosity affects social integration in the same ways as ethnic community attachments in general, positively for some dimensions, negatively for others, and similarly for different religious groups. Patterns are similar in Quebec and the rest of Canada; results carry implications for the debate over “reasonable accommodation” of religious minorities in Quebec, and parallel debates in other provinces and countries.     

The enemies within: targeting Han Chinese and Hui minorities in Xinjiang

How can we account for the targeted pattern of violence in Xinjiang, in which Uyghur secessionist groups attack some second-order minorities such as the Han Chinese and the Hui, but not the sizeable populations of Kazak, Kyrgyz, and Mongol minorities? Based on a variety of primary and secondary sources, I argue that members of the Han minority, being the national majority in China but a ‘nested minority’ in Xinjiang, are doomed to become a primary target of secessionist attacks as they represent, in and of themselves, the state from which Uyghur nationalists are trying to secede. Han Chinese’s – and to a lesser extent the Hui’s – economic and political dominance over the Uyghurs, along with their lack of historical ties to Xinjiang, also motivates their targeting while reinforcing the bond between other indigenous and comparatively disadvantaged minorities.     

Research and policy with regard to ethnic minorities in the Netherlands: an historical outline and the state of affairs

This article presents an historical analysis of policy in postwar Netherlands concerning ethnic minorities. Between 1946-62, 250,000-300,000 repatriates, largely of Indonesian-Dutch descent, settled in the Netherlands. By 1983, 326,000 people were living in the Netherlands who were nationals of the 9 Mediterranean countries, with the largest groupings comprised by Turks (152,000) and Moroccans (100,500). Between 1960-83, the number of non-Dutch residents increased from 117,600 (1% of the population) to 542,600 (3.8%). It became apparent that government policy in this area was inadequate and that immigration was contributing to social problems. Members of minority groups who have immigrated to the Netherlands are staying in the country permanently and are at risk of sociocultural isolation. Since 1980, policy in this area has sought to create the conditions necessary to enable minority groups to participate in society, decrease their social and economic deprivation, and prevent discrimination through legal remedies. The Dutch minorities policy is not an immigrants policy, but rather a policy aimed at particular deprived groups with a separate culture who are at risk of stigmatization. Research has played an important role in the formulation of minorities policy and has focused on the supply side of the labor market process, housing, education, medical care, and social welfare. Research has aimed to contribute a solid theoretical foundation for the absorption process. Current government policies aimed at promoting the emancipation of minorities include stimulation of minorities' organizations, creation of opportunities to practice minority religions, mass media programs by and for minorities, the provision of education in the native language, and stimulation of minority representation of government bodies.     

The Integration of Racial and Ethnic Minorities into White Congregations

Drawing from the homophily principle and organizational ecology theory, I follow previous literature and predict racial minorities will have lower levels of belonging and commitment when attending predominantly white congregations. Going beyond this literature, I incorporate contemporary racial stratification literature and propose integration into white congregations would vary by racial group as a result of the differing symbolic group positioning of minorities in America's racial hierarchy. Results from multilevel models using a national dataset generally support my hypotheses. The findings from this study reveal distinctions between minority racial groups within predominantly white congregations. Thus, the homophily principle and organizational ecology are not sufficient when studying race within congregations, as it is not enough to rely solely on the numeric representation of racial groups in congregations without taking into account the social positioning of these groups. These results, their implications, and potential directions for future studies are further discussed.     

Race,Ethnicity, and Underemployment in Nonmetropolitan America: A 30‐Year Profile*

Abstract Historically, rural racial and ethnic minorities have been among the most economically disadvantaged groups in the United States. Key to understanding economic deprivation is employment hardship, trends in which serve as a benchmark for progress toward racial and ethnic equality. We conceptualize employment hardship as underemployment, which goes beyond unemployment to include discouraged workers, involuntary part‐time workers, and the working poor. Analyzing data from the March Current Population Surveys of 1968 through 1998, we find that (1) there are large and persistent racial and ethnic inequalities in underemployment prevalence; (2) these disadvantages are explained only partially by other predictors of underemployment; (3) nonmetropolitan (nonmetro) minorities are more likely than either all metropolitan (metro) or central‐city minorities to be underemployed; (4) black‐white inequality has held steady overall, though it has declined markedly in nonmetro areas; and (5) Hispanic‐white inequality has increased; this trend, however, is restricted to metro areas, central cities in particular.     

Ethnicity-of-Interviewer Effects on Ethnic Respondents

Considerable research has been reported on race-of-interviewereffects in white/black dichotomies. Little is known, however,about interviewer effects on respondents representing otherethnic groups. This article reports on a 1975 study of ethnicity-of-interviewereffects among four ethnic minorities (Cubans, Chicanos, NativeAmericans, and Chinese) and suggests that the findings for blacksand whites are generalizable to other ethnic groups as well.     

Minority Poverty in Nonmetropolitan Texas*

Abstract Despite a high prevalence of poverty among minorities in nonmetropolitan areas, research and policy concerns regarding poverty have continued focusing on metropolitan minorities. This study uses a model integrating individual, household, and structural factors to examine poverty among Latinos, blacks, and Anglos in nonmetropolitan and, for comparative purposes, metropolitan areas, using data from the 1985 Special Texas Census TDHS 1987. The findings show that minorities in nonmetropolitan areas tend to have the highest poverty rates. In addition, consistent as well as divergent patterns exist among the six ethnic-resident groups with respect to the relationships among the various individual, household, and structural factors and poverty.     

Multicultural,Multi‐Asian,Multi‐Muslim leicester: Dimensions of social complexity,ethnic organization and local government interface

Although ‘multiculturalism’ is a term increasingly employed in social science and in the public sphere, there is a dearth of comparative research and a lack of detailed studies showing the complexity of social groups, the variety of their forms of organization, and their emergent forms of interaction or interface with local government which the term ‘multiculturalism’ should ideally entail. Here, set in the context of the British East Midlands city of Leicester, an examination of the makeup, socio‐economic position, organizational structure, and nature of government interface surrounding one minority segment is provided to indicate such complexity and variety and to submit material for further comparative study. Numerous layered and cross‐cutting backgrounds, identities, and mobilized groups among Asians are described, as are several significant modes and processes of interaction and political representation, particularly among Muslim citizens. In highlighting the activities of certain individuals, associations and umbrella groups representing minorities, together with programmes and undertakings initiated by local government, the importance of minorities having multiple points of interface is stressed by way of proposing more progressive models of multiculturalism.     

Applying Ogbu’s theory of minority academic achievement to the situation of Moroccans in the low countries

Ogbu’s theories relating to the educational achievement of minorities seem to be at odds with the situation of the largest minority groups in Belgium and the Netherlands. Moroccans form a voluntary minority but, after three generations, their children still lag in terms of school results. Ethnographic research among Moroccans in both countries shows that the community forces that hinder the academic achievement of Moroccan children are in many ways similar to those of minorities that Ogbu calls involuntary. Ogbu’s insights are relevant for the situation of minorities in these countries and deserve more attention, but the initial voluntariness of the migration seems not necessarily to constitute the most crucial influence on community forces. Other factors have to be considered.     

Social Citizenship Guarantee for Minorities in Japan: Present and Future

In recent years, the presence of minorities and their ways of life have become the subject of public interest in Japan. These minorities have experienced misrecognition and denial of their rights, and have been forced to live without benefiting from social redistribution. However, the lack of acceptance of minorities or their ways of life by majorities is being challenged. These aspects of recognition and redistribution are matters of universal human dignity. They are indispensable when considering issues of security in the lives of minorities. To achieve this security it is necessary to consider social citizenship. It described the way we are treated in society. In this article I examine the current state of social citizenship for minorities in Japan. An analysis of the contents and characteristics of social policy and social security systems in which social citizenship is embodied suggests that social citizenship in Japan is still strongly based on traditional social standards. This traditional orientation constitutes an obstacle to guaranteeing social citizenship for minorities. Moreover, the more serious inherent problem is that neither the concept of citizenship nor that of rights has been adequately accepted by the people. Given these points, it is unsurprising that the majority perceives minorities as deviant, and this situation has made guarantees of social citizenship for minorities much more difficult. A full guarantee of social citizenship for minorities requires further efforts to be made in human rights education and citizenship education.     

The Last Bastion of Sexual and Gender Prejudice? Sexualities,Race, Gender,Religiosity, and Spirituality in the Examination of Prejudice Toward Sexual and Gender Minorities

Prior research has reported that many Americans hold prejudicial attitudes toward sexual and gender minorities. Most of this research analyzed attitudes toward target categories in isolation and not in relation to attitudes toward heterosexuals. In addition, most previous research has not examined attitudes of members of sexual and gender minority categories toward other categories. While some research has examined the influence of religiosity on attitudes toward sexual and gender minorities, none of these studies has examined religiosity while also examining the influence of spirituality. In this article we drew on insights from queer theory to examine attitudes toward heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender individuals, as well as individuals who practice polygamy, among college students. Three samples gathered over a four-year period (2009, 2011, 2013) at a private, nonsectarian, midsized urban university in the Southeastern United States were used. We found that heterosexuals had the most positive rating, followed in order of rating by gay/lesbian, bisexual, and transgender individuals, and then those who practice polygamy. Regression analyses revealed gender and race were significant predictors of attitudes toward various sexual and gender categories. Holding a literalistic view of the Bible and self-identifying as more religious were related to more negative views toward sexual minorities, while self-identifying as more spiritual was related to more positive views.     

Is ethnic prejudice declining in Britain? Change in social distance attitudes among ethnic majority and minority Britons

Most literature on racial prejudice deals with the racial attitudes of the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities separately. This paper breaks this tradition. We examine the social distance attitudes of white and non‐white British residents to test if these attitudes follow the same trends over time, whether they are driven by the same social processes and whether they are inter‐related. We have three main findings. Firstly, social distance from other ethnic groups has declined over time for both white and ethnic minority Britons. For the white majority there are both period and cohort elements to this decline. Secondly, we see some evidence that social distance between the majority and minority groups is reciprocal. Specifically, minorities who experience rejection by the white British feel a greater sense of distance from them. Thirdly, we find that all groups share the perception of the same ethnic hierarchy. We see evidence of particularly widespread hostility towards Muslim Britons from all ethnic groups suggesting that Muslims are singled out for negative attention from many British residents of all other backgrounds, including a large number who do not express hostility to other groups.     

Twentieth Century Wars: Some Short-Term Effects on Intergroup Relations in the United States*

There is a close correspondence between war and collective racial violence in the twentieth century United States. War stimulates minority group migration and often heightens the assertiveness of minorities. Both of these conditions may act to precipitate ethnic violence, though the form of that violence varies depending on social conditions. In popular wars following periods of economic scarcity and competition (e.g., World Wars I and II), minority population growth and heightened minority assertiveness may lead majority groups to feel threatened and act aggressively to protect their advantages. The result is often ethnic attack by the dominant group against minorities. Popular wars may also precipitate violence by creating a desire on the homefront for vicarious participation in overseas wars. The results of minority population growth and heightened assertiveness may be different in an unpopular war following a period of economic growth, especially if social upheaval is already occurring before the war (e.g., Vietnam). Under these conditions, minority population growth and minority assertiveness more often lead to minority group rebellions, and there may be little attempt at repression by dominant group civilians. Ethnic attack or collective repressive actions against minorities associated with “the enemy” are also common, especially in popular wars, but they are more likely to be directed at minorities who are already targets of prejudice and discrimination.     

Racial discrimination in Britain, 1969–2017: a meta‐analysis of field experiments on racial discrimination in the British labour market

Field experiments represent the gold standard for determining whether discrimination occurs. Britain has a long and distinguished history of field experiments of racial discrimination in the labour market, with pioneering studies dating back to 1967 and 1969. This article reviews all the published reports of these and subsequent British field experiments of racial discrimination in the labour market, including new results from a 2016/17 field experiment. The article finds enduring contours of racial discrimination in Britain. Firstly, there is an enduring pattern of modest discrimination against white minorities of European heritage in contrast to much greater risks of discrimination faced by the main non‐white groups, suggesting a strong racial component to discrimination. Secondly, while there is some uncertainty about the magnitude of the risks facing applicants with Chinese and Indian names, the black Caribbean, black African and Pakistani groups all face substantial and very similar risks of discrimination. Thirdly, there is no significant diminution in risks of discrimination over time either for Caribbeans or for South Asians as a whole. These results are broadly in line with those from the ethnic penalties literature, suggesting that discrimination is likely to be a major factor explaining the disproportionately and enduringly high unemployment rates of ethnic minorities.     

From vice to virtue: changing portrayals of minorities in China's official media

This study considers the official media's portrayal of minority groups in the People's Republic of China. Based on a content analysis of minority-centered articles appearing in the People's Daily newspaper between the years 1950 and 2001, it is found that minorities are most frequently depicted as representatives of primitive cultures. How the government presents this image of primitive minorities, however, has been subject to significant refinement over the years. The government has stepped away from its earlier practice of characterizing ‘primitive’ minority cultures as pathologies detrimental to the political and economic development of the state in favor of a more recent emphasis on the virtues associated with minority lives. The authors suggest that this transformation in government rhetoric is attributable to changes in both Chinese politics and society.