The impact of labor unions on the passage of economic legislation

This paper examines the political power of labor unions. A model of the decision of an interest group to contribute to a political campaign is developed and tested. The empirical evidence indicates that interest groups, and unions in particular, use political contributions in a systematic and coordinated manner. Unions give money to candidates with relatively little seniority (who might otherwise not be elected) and to candidates from districts with about the average number of union members. Such candidates might otherwise not vote as the union would desire. The influence of campaign contributions and of union membership on the voting of congressmen on issues of interest to unions is also investigated. Union membership is sometimes significant and campaign contributions are always significant in explaining voting on minimum wages, wageprice controls, benefits for strikers, and OSHA and CETA appropriations. The indirect economic effects of labor unions — those effects which occur because unions influence legislation — may be as important as the direct effects which occur through collective bargaining.     

Financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the 1980s

Current research offers two potentially competing perspectives on union strength: membership and financial/political resources. We update and broaden the research on the financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the U.S. by reporting these unions’ financial assets, net worth, revenues, and political action committee (PAC) receipts during the 1980s and the early 1990s. We find that unions may expand their financial and political resources even though membership levels stagnate or decline. Overall, the unions have amassed larger asset bases, even though some have actually lost members. On a per member basis, federal executive branch unions do not appear as financially weak as the level of their financial resources suggests. Postal unions as a group are clearly the strongest in terms of per member financial and political resources. Federal executive branch unions have experienced a striking reduction in their PAC activity, while the postal and the state and local union PACs have grown substantially. Our analysis indicates that union membership may not adequately measure union strength.     

The impact of legislator attributes on interest-group campaign contributions

Legislators possess political assets that economic interest groups may find valuable in pursuing their goals. This paper examines the effect these legislative assets have on the campaign contributions made by two large and easily identifiable interest groups: corporations and labor unions. Committee assignment, voting record, and electoral security are significant predictors of both corporate and union contributions to House incumbents, while party affiliation and years in office also influence the behavior of union political action committees.     

Tax-funded unionism III: Front organizations

This article shows that unions are deeply involved in nonprofit organizations which ostensibly pursue such goals as helping the elderly and protecting consumers, but a major goal of these organizations is to obtain taxpayer funds for union organizing and other activities. The senior citizens’ political movement, for example, is controlled by union officials who use the movement to further union objectives. The authors gratefully acknowledge research support provided by the John M. Olin Foundation, the J.M. Foundation, the Sarah Scaife Foundation, and the Earhart Foundation.     

Attitudinal and behavioral variables related to participation in union activities

A questionnaire was administered to 500 union members. A multiple regression equation was developed using a multi-faceted index of union participation as the criterion with 25 predictor variables: 14 factor scores developed through factor analysis, 9 demographic variables, and 2 measures of perceived control within local unions. There was little shrinkage in the multiple R after double cross-validation. Community-political activities, liberal political beliefs, pro-unionism philosophies, high standards of involvement with unions, and high general job satisfaction-involvement were the five best predictors of union participation. Active union members may view unions as part of a socio-political movement above and beyond their economic and protective functions.     

To reward and punish: A classification of union political strategies

The complexity of union involvement in American politics has frequently been underestimated in the existing academic literature. For this reason, it is helpful to develop a comprehensive classification of the bargaining strategies adopted by unions as they interact with elected officeholders. This classification allows a more systematic analysis of the preconditions and associated advantages and disadvantages of various union strategies in both party nominating processes and general elections. It also shows that the decision to enter electoral politics is best seen as the beginning of a complex, ongoing, and multidimensional process rather than as the end-point of a “single-play” game. Lastly, the classification demonstrates that a wider range of political choice is available to organized labor than is commonly recognized, notwithstanding the real and continuing constraints on labor power.     

Toward an Alternative Analytic Approach to the Internal Politics of Unions

Abstract  This paper discusses theoretical issues in analyzing the internal politics of unions in Japan. The main argument is that the autonomy of unions' internal political processes from management should not be assumed and that the very development of internal politics of unions may be influenced by the actors with which the unions interact. The paper first reviews previous research on the internal politics of unions in Western countries and discusses a model of internal union politics based on these studies. Second, it reviews previous studies of enterprise unions in Japan and considers why these studies have been indifferent to the internal politics. Third, the paper proposes an alternative approach to internal union politics by synthesizing insights from previous studies of unions and union politics in Western countries and Japan. The approach is based on the concept of the "political space" of unions. Fourth, application of the alternative approach to the development of internal politics of the enterprise union of Yahata Steel (from 1970, Nippon Steel), the largest steel firm in Japan, shows how the union's political space has become more narrow over time. Finally, the paper concludes by noting the relevance of the proposed approach to studies of union-management relations in other industrialized countries.     

Union decline: A view from Canada

Important changes are occurring in the Canadian unions’ political and economic environments. This paper argues that such changes may be detrimental to Canadian trade unions, given their structural and institutional situation. To support this argument, private-sector union and nonunion firms in Alberta are compared. This comparison uncovers some structural (union members’ employment patterns and union firm characteristics) and institutional (union services) attributes of unions. Combined with the politico-economic environments that Alberta unions have faced since the early 1980s, these attributes have led to a decline in union membership. Because these attributes are shared by many other Canadian unions, those unions may increasingly confront some of the same hardships currently plaguing their Alberta counterparts. I am indebted to Brian Bemmels, Alan Murray, and John G. Fricke for helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper, and to Mike Jones for his research assistance.     

Political instrumentality perceptions and desires for union representation

This paper examines the concept of union instrumentality in light of theoretical literature and contemporary trends in union political activity. A broad concept of union instrumentality, including a place for the concept of union political instrumentality (e.g., union influence on general elections or legislation), is suggested. The practical importance and applicability of the political instrumentality concept is demonstrated in empirical models of nonunion worker voting intent in union representation elections. As predicted, workers perceiving higher levels of union political instrumentality are significantly more likely than others to indicate a pro-union voting intent. Given the importance of political versus economic activity as a defining characteristic of labor movements and given recent increases in political activity by U.S. unions, these results have significant implications for the way we think about U.S. unions and for future union organizing and political activities. The author wishes to acknowledge helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper from Mario F. Boganno, Frederic C. Champlin III, William N. Cooke, James A. Craft, John T. Delaney, Richard B. Freeman, Daniel G. Gallagher, Cynthia L. Gramm, Charles R. Greer, Wallace E. Hendricks, Marick F. Masters, Lee P. Stepina, and William A. Wines. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Thirty-Eighth Annual Meeting of the Industrial Relations Research Association, New York, NY, December 1985.     

Labor Union Political Strategy in an Era of Decline and Revitalization

U.S. labor unions faced sharp membership losses over the last few decades, and some responded by ushering in a new, revitalized model of organizing. Yet we know little about how these forces may be shaping the political activities of the labor movement. Has crisis prompted unions to take aim at public policies inhibiting union vitality, or have unions turned outward to embrace broader social causes? This paper uses an original dataset of union appearances in congressional hearings to analyze unions’ legislative advocacy activities. Findings suggest substantial differences between those unions that are likely to appear in hearings on core labor‐related topics and those that appear in hearings on broad social issues: AFL‐CIO unions are more likely to participate in hearings on core labor issues, while unions commonly cited as “revitalized” and public sector unions are more likely to appear in hearings on broad social issues.     

Strangers to Their Own Class?

The central question addressed is whether constitutional democracy, institutionalized opposition, and radical leadership tend to narrow the vertical social distance between the officers and members of industrial unions. The empirical analysis utilizes data on the Congress of Industrial Organizations unions during the late 1940s. The argument is that both union democracy and radicalism tend to sustain a close identification between workers and their leaders, to enhance their class solidarity, and to minimize the split between them. The analysis shows that officers' salaries and the income differential between their salaries and the workers' wages were far smaller in the democratic unions and in those in the Communist camp than in the oligarchical unions and those in the anti-Communist camp.     

Outsourcing and union power

The outsourcing of union work and jobs either diffuses or diminishes union membership, depending on perspective and situation. The correlation of trends in union membership to trends in union power, while less than perfect, has until recently been relatively strong over the past sixteen years. The fact that as diverse a sample of unions as AFSCME, SEIU, and UAW have chosen to make outsourcing a prominent labor/public relations issue suggests that the correlation continues to be perceived by the union movement to be significant, notwithstanding the efforts of the “new” leadership of the AFL-CIO to break that link with respect to union political power by “taxing” member unions and their members to contribute both money and militancy to the 1996 election cycle. Although outsourcing may lead only to the diffusion of union membership either within or between unions, as opposed to the diminution of union membership, this fact has not received a great deal of attention. The net effect on total union membership of outsourcing from one union employer to another union employer is unclear, although the effect on the membership of the union at the outsourcing employer is not. The redistribution of membership within a union as a result of outsourcing is likely to have little immediate impact on union power. However, as even the best case scenario presented above suggests, it may have significant long-run deleterious effects on union bargaining power by taking labor out of a sheltered market and putting it into potentially competitive market. This is particularly likely to be the case when outsourcing (1) places the outsourced work into a different industry or wage contour and (2) creates the possibility of moving from sole-source to multiplesource supplier arrangements. The redistribution of membership between unions as a result of outsourcing is unlikely to have a major impact on union power broadly defined. It can have, however, serious deleterious effects in terms of the power of an individual union, as suggested in my “competitive case” scenario. The fact that one union’s losses due to outsourcing may be another union’s gain is of little consolation to the losing union. That act, in and of itself, may make the threat of outsourcing a potential union “Achilles heel” at the bargaining table by placing it into competition with some other, perhaps unknown, union as well as possibly nonunion competition. The most obvious threat to union power comes from outsourcing that diminishes union membership overall by transferring jobs from union to nonunion employers. The willingness and ability of employers to move work/jobs entirely out of the orbit of union control constitutes, in terms of power and particularly union bargaining power, a revisitation of the phenomenon of the “runaway shop.” It may also be viewed as a proactive form of hiring permanent replacements for (potentially) striking workers. The union options in dealing with such a challenge are to endeavor to preclude outsourcing through legislation or collective bargaining or to chase the work by organizing the unorganized, hopefully with the help of the unionized outsourcing employer. Neither option may be easy, but as the 1996 auto industry negotiations suggest, the former may be less difficult than the latter. The possibility that outsourcing from union to nonunion employer may provide unions with the power to organize from the top (outsourcer) down (outsourcee) cannot be entirely ignored as the issue of supplier “neutrality” reportedly was raised in the 1996 auto negotiations. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union political and financial power, by virtue of its impact on the level or distribution of union membership, can and may well be offset by an increase in union activism—as measured by dues levels, merger activity, organizing commitment, and political action. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union bargaining power are more problematical from the union standpoint. The effect of outsourcing, whatever its rationale or scenario, appears to be to put union labor back into competition. Thus, outsourcing constitutes yet another challenge to the labor movement in its ongoing and seemingly increasingly unsuccessful battle to take and keep U.S. union labor out of competition by proving itself able and willing to organize to the extent of the market and standardizing wages in that market.     

Equal access to income and union dissolution among mainland Puerto Ricans

This study investigates the implications for union stability of different methods for providing access to income in cohabiting and marital unions among mainland Puerto Ricans. Using the Puerto Rican Maternal and Infant Health Study (N = 836), we show that union dissolution is associated with both union type and type of method. The relatively high rate of union dissolution among cohabiters is explained partially by their lower likelihood of organizing access to income under an equality principle through income pooling. Cohabiting unions that follow the equality principle, however, are as stable as marital unions that follow the equality principle. These patterns are interpreted in terms of the role of economic equality in solidifying socioemotional bonds.     

The (Parlous) State of German Unions

We trace the profound decline in German unionism over the course of the last three decades. Today, just one in five workers is a union member, and whether this degree of penetration is consistent with a corporatist model built on encompassing unions is now moot. The decline in union membership and density is attributable to external forces that have confronted unions in many countries (such as globalization and compositional changes in the workforce), to some specifically German considerations (such as the transition process in post-communist Eastern Germany), and to sustained intervals of classic insider behavior on the part of German unions. The "correctives" have included mergers between unions, decentralization, and wages that are more responsive to unemployment. At issue is the success of these innovations. For instance, the trend toward decentralization in collective bargaining hinges in part on the health of that other pillar of the dual system of industrial relations, the works council. But works council coverage has also declined, leading some observers to equate decentralization with deregulation. While this conclusion is likely too radical, German unions are at the crossroads. We argue that if they fail to define what they stand for, are unable to increase their presence at the workplace, and continue to lack convincing strategies to deal with contemporary economic and political trends working against them, their decline may become a rout.     

Union legislative records during president reagan’s first term

It has been assumed that organized labor’s political record has declined markedly since President Reagan was elected in 1980. This study shows this contention to be only partly true. While organized labor’s political influence has declined somewhat, particularly in the executive branch, there is considerable variation in the legislative agendas, objectives, and successes across a sample of eight major unions studied. This suggests that union legislative activity should be studied on a union-by-union basis. The authors are indebted to the many union lobbyists who agreed to be interviewed as a part of this study, and to Jack Fiorito, Donna Sockell, and an anonymous referee for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. This study was partially funded by a Columbia University Graduate School of Business Faculty Research Fellowship.     

Construction union programs to regain jobs: Background and overview

All union initiatives discussed herein are based on union demands for monopoly. Unable to compete with the open-shop contractors on an economic basis, the construction unions seek to offset economic considerations with political initiatives. They have been remarkably successful in so doing; yet their membership continues to lag.⁴⁷ The question for the future is whether politically assisted monopoly will smother economics with the public as the big loser. The author is Professor Emeritus of Management and was formerly, Director, Industrial Research Unit, and Chairman, Labor Relations Council.     

Private sector unions: The myth of decline

Conventional wisdom holds that private sector labor unions are in “crisis” due to the loss of millions of members over the past two decades which has resulted in a dramatic decline in their economic viability and political power. Financial data for selected years between 1960 and 1987 are analyzed to show that, contrary to prevailing opinion, private sector unions are financially prosperous despite membership erosion. Evidence is also presented which indicates that union political efforts and influence have increased rather than declined in recent years. Resources have been allocated to political advocacy to obtain a more favorable public policy environment for labor organizations and to achieve gains that have eluded unions in collective bargaining. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Ms. Sybil Jones at the National Institute for Labor Relations Research.     

The causes of union political involvement: A longitudinal analysis

This study examines the political involvement of unions over the 1978, 1980, and 1982 congressional elections. An empirical model focusing on the campaign contributions made by unions and the number of registered lobbyists employed by unions is elaborated and tested. The findings suggest that unions’ political activities are systematically undertaken and that they have increased dramatically over the past three elections. Specific characteristics of unions, such as membership size and dependence on governmental regulations, directly affect the political involvement of unions. Further, given the current economic and political climate, it is likely that this political action will continue to increase. The authors are grateful to Jack Fiorito, Cynthia Gramm, David Lewin, Frank Lichtenberg, two anonymous referees, and the participants in the labor seminars at the University of Illinois and the University of Iowa for helpful comments on an earlier version of this study.     

Union wealth: The bargaining power implications

Conventional wisdom holds that U.S. unions are in crisis. Recently, however, unions have shown both boldness and initiative, remarkably in the proposed merger between the Auto Workers, Steelworkers, and Machinists. Regardless of whether labor is genuinely on the rebound, unions need money in order to retain clout and expand. I explore the financial wealth of the 28 largest U.S.-based unions during the period 1979–1993, and find that these unions, overall, maintained their wealth during a period of substantial membership decline even after adjusting for inflation. At the same time, however, unions vary widely in terms of both their wealth and related trends over the past decade and a half, but wealth has nonetheless remained substantially concentrated among a small set. Yet, several unions possess a seemingly robust financial capacity to sustain a strike, and the pursuit of additional union consolidations might reinforce this capacity. These consolidations may also have political implications.     

Bargaining for Success: Examining the Relationship Between Teacher Unions and Student Achievement

While many previous studies have identified a positive relationship between teachers unions and student achievement on standardized tests, little research to date has explored the channels through which unions might actually affect achievement. Utilizing multilevel random intercept models, we examine the effects of two categories of items commonly negotiated in teacher contracts—“industrial union” items and “professional union” items—on individual student math scores. Further, we assess the ability of these two clusters of variables to explain the positive union effect found in previous research. The results confirm that teachers unions are positively associated with student achievement and suggest that the industrial model explains moderately more of the union effect than the professional model; however, only the combination of both models is capable of reducing the union effect to nonsignificance. These findings are also confirmed in a supplemental analysis utilizing instrumental variables to account for the possibility of endogeneity. Finally, a decomposition of the union effect suggests that teachers unions are most beneficial to middle‐ and high‐achieving students. We conclude that through industrial and professional bargaining, teachers are able to secure higher salaries, credentialing, and greater autonomy which lead to improved student achievement.