"雄王"、"雒王"之"雄"、"雒"考辨——从南越"雄鸡"木简谈起

有学者认为,《旧唐书》等文献中的"雄王"是从《水经注》中的"雒王"讹变而来,这种认识是不正确的.本文通过文献学和语言学的分析,认为2005年初广州出土南越木简中"雄鸡"简反映的命名特点与交趾地区"厥气惟雄"的风俗不仅地域上同在南越国境内,而且时代相同,应有紧密联系.南越木简的发现表明,《旧唐书》等文献中"雄王"的写法是正确的.     

罗彩娟著《千年追忆——云南壮族历史表述中的侬智高》出版

侬智高,北宋广源州人氏。庆历元年(1041年),侬智高在党犹州建"大历国",与交趾李朝相抗衡。同时,侬智高向宋朝请内附,以求获一职统摄诸部,抗击交趾掠夺,遭拒,遂在安德州建立"南天国",称仁惠皇帝,年号景瑞。其多     

洱海地区以[p?~(21)]为通名村落的调查研究

"以[p?⁽²¹⁾]为通名村落"是指将[p蘅21]作为村庄通名而专名不同的村落,本文将云南大理洱海地区以[p?(21)]为通名村落"是指将[p蘅21]作为村庄通名而专名不同的村落,本文将云南大理洱海地区以[p?⁽²¹⁾]为通名的村落作为研究对象,采用民族学田野调查法和文献查阅法,从自然环境、居址变迁、姓氏流源等方面进行探究,分析得出这些村落历史悠久,早在南诏时期便已经形成,具有大理地区早期村落文化的共同特征。这些研究材料不仅丰富和发展了洱海地区的村落文化,还可作为地方文化的补充。     

钦州西部的地方历史与都峒之民祖先记忆的创制

本文意在分析宋明以降钦州西部溪峒社会的变迁与当地人群祖先记忆创制之间的关系。在宋代,今广西防城港市一带为广南西路钦州西部七峒之地,是一种以地方酋领为核心的社会。进入明代,里甲制度的推行以及宣德年间的弃交趾事件,使七峒中的四峒叛附安南。嘉靖间,知州林希元加强了对钦州西部的经营,他还参与当时的"议征安南",积极主战。于是,四峒一事成为林主张"讨"安南、"取"安南的重要理由。此时,四峒之民也急于归正复业。正是在这种情景下,"汉将后裔"的记忆得到创制。     

宗族的民族性特征及其在村民自治中的表达--对捞车土家族村和摩哈苴彝族村的观察

在民族学研究中,宗族的民族性特征及其在村民自治中的表达一直未受到足够的重视.本文通过对捞车土家族村和摩哈苴彝族村的田野调查研究,指出某些少数民族在宗族观念上与汉族存在很大的差异汉族对宗族血亲关系高度重视,而某些少数民族对此却相对轻视.土家族是将已故地域性领袖土王当做共同的族祖神进行供奉与崇拜,彝族则是将图腾植物当做祖先进行供奉与崇拜.宗族的这些民族性特征在村民自治中或表现为对地缘政治领袖群体的认同,或表现为对村民自治权力竞争的集体无意识.     

郑和是赛典赤后裔说应该可信

在1984年南京召开的纪念郑和下西洋580周年学术讨论会上,李士厚先生宣读了《〈郑氏家谱·首序〉及〈赛典赤家谱〉新证》论文,其根据南京《郑氏家谱》、巍山《赛典赤家谱》和玉溪《郑和家谱》及其他相关资料,认定“郑和为咸阳王六世孙无疑。”[1]使人们对长期扑朔迷离的郑和家世有了比较明晰的认识,引起了轰动。但到1992年,在昆明召开的纪念郑和下西洋587周年学术讨论会上,马继祖先生对此发表了不同的意见,他在《关于郑和家世》一文中说“郑和是咸阳王六世孙的问题,还需要仔细研究,似不可轻易肯定。”[2]马先生还对李士厚先生的论点一一…     

情到深处自然浓——忆拜访粟裕大将的小妹妹粟翠兰、侄子粟刚兵

正仅以此小文纪念粟裕同志逝世30周年(1984.2.5-2014.2.5)会同建县900余年,名人先贤无数,粟裕大将是我最仰慕的人物。虽然我无缘面见其尊容,无法面聆其教诲,但是机缘巧合,我先后在1996年10月和2000年11月,两次随队前往上海,拜访了粟裕大将的小妹妹粟翠兰和粟裕大将的哥哥粟沛儿子粟刚兵,并拜谒了粟裕大将战斗过的江浙地区多个县份,感受到上海、江苏等地人民对他的深厚情意。其情其景,令人难以忘怀。     

第五个春天

桃花照眼,荔枝含蕾,广西黄旛民公社进入了第五个春天。如果说,五年前,这个公社是东风里的一枝,那么,现在,这一枝已经花团锦簇,芳香四溢了。中共马山县林圩区委负责同志告诉我们说,黃旛公社是五百零一户、二千二百四十一个僮汉族社员组成的。过去,这是个落后的地方,土少田瘠,而且有的自然屯还是有名的“封建堡壘”。解放前,家住在这里的伪官吏和反动军官相当多,他们横行霸道,不用说别的,就连祭祖也要断绝交通,用机枪来代替鞭炮;而劳动人民,在他们的压榨下,放下镰刀就没     

元明两代朵甘思灵藏王族历史考证

明朝所封五位教王之一灵藏地方的赞善王,在明代西藏和中央王朝的关系中具有重要的地位。因为缺乏系统记载,学界对其一直知之不详。灵藏占据青、康、藏古代交通之枢纽位置,灵藏赞善王王族,兴起于元代,在元代即受朝廷封赐,委以官职,明永乐时又受封为王。灵藏的这一地方势力,与明朝廷的来往始于洪武中,终于天启六年(1626),几乎与明王朝相始终。     

社会生态与民间信仰:青海河湟西纳地区的“猫鬼神”和“古典”

青海河湟西纳地区的"猫鬼神"与"古典"信仰并生存在,它们与遍布本地区的山神信仰乃至"王辩会"等民间信仰有千丝万缕的联系,既是河湟西纳地区久远以来复杂的族群关系以及地方社会关系的反映,也是该区域文化生态乃至社会生态的催生物。透过这些民间信仰的考察可以体认到:一种民间信仰只是一种文化表征,隐匿其后并催生它的是所在地区的地方社会本相。     

还史以真 寓情于文——解读恰白·次旦平措学术思想中的文史双重追求

恰白·次旦平措是我国著名的藏族历史学家和文学家,他主持编写的<西藏通史>是解放后我国藏族学者用藏文编写的第一部西藏通史,为藏族历史的研究提供了重要的材料.文章通过恰白·次旦平措史学代表作<西藏通史>和部分文学作品的解读,阐述了他"还史以真,寓情于文"的双重学术追求思想.对恰白先生考证源流、辩章学术的史家风范与坚守传统诗学、注重发掘民间文化资源的文学观念进行了解读.从而彰显了治史与经文互为渗透的恰白学术思想.     

Connecting cultures: rethinking Rabindranath Tagore’s ‘ideals of education’

In 1917, Rabindranath Tagore declared, ‘There is only one history – the history of man’ [Tagore, R. (1917/2009). Nationalism. New Delhi: Penguin, p. 65]. This concept of ‘one-history’, and by extension ‘one-world’ is at the heart of his conceptualisation of what I call, education-sans-boundaries and, as I see it, one of the ways to bring a glocal unity. His goal was to establish the dignity of human relationships across boundaries. Thus, for him, local education and global education should not be two ends of a spectrum but overlapping categories instead. Moreover, the education-sans-boundaries should help in restoring the balance and harmony between man and society, knowledge and knowledge, and nation and nation. In this paper, I will explore Tagore’s relevant writings on education, with a focus on his concerted educational efforts to negotiate the boundaries of nation and geography to restore the lost rhythm. In the highly fractured times in which he lived, Tagore saw education in India was in a double-layered crisis under colonialism and growing nationalism. His was a non-dogmatic defence of harmony and principles of unity, and he tried to achieve this in his education models by going beyond the realms of collapsing of cultural differences and without sacrificing local/individual ties and that admits to no artificial boundaries – political, ideological or geographic. The present attempt, therefore, engages with Tagore’s distinct conceptualisation of open-ended education models by looking at his scholarly-and-practical efforts. It suggests that transmission of cultures has provided a ‘broad-basis’ of education in India and can offer healthy conditions for, and directions towards, building transnational/international solidarities.     

70年致力于民族学研究的学者——西南民族大学陈宗祥先生专访

陈宗祥先生是我国最早介绍、研究《格萨尔》史诗的,学者之一,也是《白狼歌》研究具有影响力的学者之一。他翻译的《格萨尔王传》被认为是最早研究格萨尔的参考资料之一,他提出“白狼语～南语一西夏语一普米语等一脉相承”的重要见解,被认为是对南语研究的一大突破。陈宗祥先生尤其将70年来对民族学乌牛白羊两系的探索,贯穿到他对东汉《白狼歌》部落史、古蜀史的考证和敦煌古藏文《南语写卷》的翻译研究上,独树一帜。学界鲜为人知的是,20世纪40至50年代,陈先生收集和翻译的海门道夫的中印边界东段调查报告,最早向国内介绍了喜马拉雅山麓南侧坡九万平方公里地区的情况。我们有幸对陈宗祥先生进行了独家专访,陈先生首次对自己的人生、学术经历和学术思想做了回顾和总结,是授权公开发表的第一篇访谈文章。     

北宋侬智高起事再研究——以起事前后广西左、右江上游区域历史的转变为中心

侬智高在两个王朝之间,尤其是在面临交趾朝的强势扩张之时,曾经想自立建国,但是没有成功.他原来控制的地域势必为两个王朝所瓜分.对于宋、交双方来说,一场战争终究没有解决问题,最终通过“计议”的方式达到目的.于是,一条界线也就因运而生.     

鲍德温•斯宾塞与后维多利亚时代的古典人类学

The post-Victorian anthropologist Baldwin Spencer was the first to investigate the central and northern aboriginal tribes of Australia. His ethnographic works in this area have greatly in-fluenced related disciplines and studies in fields such as kinship, totem worship, and primitive reli-gions. In the field of classics and anthropology, Spencer’s academic heritage has received wide-spread respect and recognition, and has made sub-sequent academic discussion possible. In order to present Spencer’s personal experiences and aca-demic ideas clearly and comprehensively, it is nec-essary to return to the post-Victorian context, and comb Spencer’ s life history and academic history. Taking important clues from various times an e-vents in his life, the paper introduces three peri-ods:Spencer’s early training in the discipline and his epistemic background, his medium-term eth-nographic investigations and works, and the later investigations of Tierra del Fuego. Textual study, based on Spencer’s life history and academic histo-ry, is very useful to understand his ethnographic investigations. Sir Walter Baldwin Spencer ( 1860 -1929 ) was born on 23 June, 1860 in Lancashire, Eng-land. Spencer was educated at Old Trafford School and at the Manchester School of Art. His interest in art and sketching was lifelong, and would reveal itself in his competence as a scientific draftsman and illustrator ( D. J. Mulvaney,1990 ) . Entering Owens College ( Victoria University of Manchester) in 1879, Spencer intended to study medicine. In-spired by Milnes Marshall, a disciple of Darwin disciple, he became a committed evolutionary biol-ogist, soon abandoning conventional religion. He entered the University of Oxford in 1881 to study
science under Professor H. N. Moseley, who com-bined an enthusiasm for evolutionary biology with ethnological interests. Spencer grasped Oxford ’ s diverse opportunities, which included lectures by Ruskin and E. B. Tylor. In 1887, Spencer ar-rived at Melbourne University . With his colleague Professor David Masson, Spencer helped to trans-form university standards and they co-operated as entrepreneurs of Australian science. Spencer was recruited as zoologist and photog-rapher in the 1894 Horn scientific exploration ex-pedition to central Australia. His anthropological interest was rekindled when he met F. J. Gillen, the Alice Springs postmaster, during the expedi-tion. In 1896 Spencer joined Gillen for the most intensive fieldwork then attempted in Australia. The Native Tribes of Central Australia ( 1899 ) , which resulted, was to influence contemporary theories on social evolution and interpretations of the origins of art and ceremonial practices. Spencer and Gillen drove a buggy from Oodnadatta to Borroloola in 1901-02 . Their research resulted in The Northern Tribes of Central Australia ( 1904 );Haddon had written that the names of Spencer and Gillen are familiar to every ethnologist in the world, and probably no books on ethnology have been so wide-ly noticed and criticized as have The Native Tribes of Central Australia and The Northern Tribes of Central Australia (A. C. Haddon ,1902). To assist the Government of the Common-wealth, Spencer was appointed Special Commis-sioner for Aboriginals in the Northern Territory, and also their Chief Protector. He also led three other scientists, including J. A. Gilruth, on the 1911 Preliminary Scientific Expedition. Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia (1914)
described his ethnographic observations and the ex-tensive collections made on the expedition. At the government ’ s request, Spencer visited Alice Springs and Hermannsburg in 1923 . He published The Arunta: A Study of a Stone Age People ( 2 vols, 1927 ) to respond to the criticisms derived from Carl Stretlow and defend his work. A popular rewrite of previous books followed—Wanderings in Wild Australia ( 2 vols, 1928 )—this time under his sole authorship. Spencer retired as emeritus professor in 1919 . His nerves and his judgments were impaired from the strain of continuous overwork, the virtual disin-tegration of his marriage, and he was finally hospi-talized in 1921 . His health improved and within two years he resumed anthropological activities and rebuilt his art collection. He sailed to Tierra del Fuego together with Jean Hamilton to undertake anthropological studies early in 1929. Spencer, with an unrivalled record of anthropological field-work in Australia, undertook this journey to fill a gap in our knowledge, and compare very different and remote races of mankind (A. C. H. ,1931). However, his gallant attempt was prematurely frus-trated by his death from angina pectoris, at which point he had been only two months in the field. His notes were organized and published as Spencer’s Last Journey (1931). His achievements were recognized. Elected as a fellow of the Royal Society in 1900 , he was ap-pointed C. M. G. in 1904 and K. C. M. G. in 1916 . Manchester University conferred him with an honorary doctorate of science, while Melbourne a-warded him a doctorate of letters. Exeter College, Oxford, elected him to an honorary fellowship in 1907 , and stained glass in its hall commemorates his contribution. James Frazer’s letter to Spencer in 1899 was prophetic: books like mine, merely speculative, will be superseded sooner or later ( the sooner the better for the sake of truth) by bet-ter induction based on fuller knowledge;books like yours, containing records of observations, will nev-er be superseded ( John M. Cooper, 1932 ) . Therefore, the sense and value of reading and un-derstanding Spencer and his books today goes with-out saying.     

顾颉刚与回族学人黎光明的师生情谊与学术传承--以《顾颉刚日记》《顾颉刚书信集》为中心的考察

黎光明是顾颉刚在中山大学最得意的学生之一,也是民国时期一位颇具传奇色彩的学人。顾颉刚与黎光明的师生情谊与学术传承,虽辗转粤、京、赣、川多地而未曾稍衰,体现在引入学术研究之门、奠定学术成长之基、"拉回学术研究之轨"等方面。文章根据《顾颉刚日记》《顾颉刚书信集》及相关史料,略述顾颉刚与黎光明的师生交谊,再现一代文史大家如何对待和培养学术传人的生动过程,展示传奇回族学人黎光明的人生轨迹与学术历程。     

达斡尔首领卜魁考述

清代达斡尔首领卜魁拥有一个应用广泛的名字。由于资料的匮乏,人们对卜魁的生平和家世了解不多。本文依据黑龙江将军衙门满文档案资料的记载,并参考有关史籍,试图揭示卜魁鲜为人知的个人和家族情况,期望人们对卜魁以及达斡尔族历史有更多的了解。     

Postcolonial Hong Kong identity: hybridising the local and the national

This paper investigates the changing contour of Hong Kong's cultural identity. This is an empirical longitudinal study which conceptualises Hong Kong identity as the cultural affect of the local from the national — a spatial distance between ‘us’ and ‘others’. While the citizenship of Hong Kong is a closed issue after China resumed Hong Kong's sovereignty in 1997, the question of cultural identity is open to negotiation. The transition marked the apex of the identification. After 1997, however, Hong Kong people might not have the strong identification with China as appeared during the political transition in the high intensity of media coverage of the re‐nationalisation. Yet, what is evident is that Hong Kong people no longer strongly oppose the Chinese authorities. More importantly, people started to face the reality of appropriating a new dual Hong Kong‐China identity, and hence there is a clear trend of increasing identification with the Hong Kong as well as the Chinese authorities; the legitimacy of the two are more likely perceived to be aligned. Hong Kong people manifested an identity which has become increasingly hybridised between the local and national identity.     

Living with racism in education and society: Derrick Bell’s ethical idealism and political pragmatism

Derrick Bell’s pronouncement and challenge that racism is likely permanent has captured the imagination of Critical Race Theorists in education. Equally important are his ideas about living with the concrete conditions of racism. This article focuses on a tension within Bell’s work. On the one hand, his writings are characterized by a certain ‘racial realism.’ In this perspective, Bell encourages race scholars and activists to abandon notions of one day ending racism. On the other hand, Bell also retains a certain idealism, most evident in his appeal to the ethical dimensions of critical race work. He invites intellectuals to join him in fighting racism even if the prospects for change are sometimes bleak. In his life as well as his work, Bell willingly sacrificed prestige and financial security for his ideals, and seemed puzzled when his friends and colleagues were reluctant to do the same. Bell’s racial realism and ethical idealism comprise two – sometimes warring – moments that permeate his work.     

“泛中原农耕文明板块”视域中的西南边疆及土司研究

到1820年中国疆域最终底定时,当年汉武帝所开拓的"泛中原农耕文明板块"的边缘地带——曾相对稳定的朝鲜四郡、南越三郡已先后自立,但素来交通闭塞、瘴疠肆虐、经济文化独特、割据势力强劲,风雨飘摇一千余年的西南夷之地依然掌握在清廷之手。这是因为该区域是元世祖忽必烈龙兴之地,他在此创设行省、创制土司制以加强统治;明朝则希冀利用该地的自然与人力资源建立后方基地,以此严防北元重新占领西南,掊击其后背;清朝则为了防止蒙藏势力与西南土司势力合流、保障滇铜供应,通过改土归流等措施以强化对西南的经营。上述三朝的有力举措,辅之以明后期以降携带着耐高寒、耐瘠土且高产的美洲农作物种子的中原农民移植此地,使得素称难治的西南地区最终成为"泛中原板块"的一部分。