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Aid fragmentation is considered a burden for recipient countries. NGOs as important channellers of official development assistance can contribute significantly to this fragmentation. This article is a first attempt to conceptualize and measure NGO aid fragmentation while identifying the complex set of (contradictory) incentive structures. The Belgian case, with its multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic setting, and multi-layered government structures is a crucial case for showing the possible variety of factors which may influence fragmentation. The research finds that fighting aid fragmentation may prove a lot more difficult than suggested because, in the Belgian case, with its multiple incentive structures, fragmentation actually pays off for NGOs.  相似文献   

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Transnational Muslim NGOs are important actors in the field of development and humanitarian aid. Through micro-sociological case studies, this article provides new empirical insights on the organizational identity of some of these NGOs. Using the post 9.11. aid field as a window through which to explore transnational Muslim NGOs, the article analyzes the ways in which two of the largest Muslim NGOs Islamize aid and the kinds of Islam they construct in this process, discussing how this relates to their position in the contemporary aid field. The Saudi Arabian International Islamic Relief Organization and the British Islamic Relief serve as emblematic examples of transnational Muslim NGOs today, each presenting different ways of understanding Islam: One promotes an all-encompassing Islam, embedded in almost all aspects of the organization; while the other demonstrates a quasi-secular Islam, most often relegated to the personal sphere. Likewise, the two organizations Islamize aid in different ways, based on different interpretations of the Global War on Terror and mainstream development discourses. The article concludes that the positions of the two NGOs are best understood as poles in a continuum, stretching from an embedded Islam, encouraging a thoroughly Islamized aid and blocking integration into the field of mainstream development and humanitarian aid, to an invisible Islam, accompanied by an almost secularized aid and facilitating integration into the aid field.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Members in the prevention and treatment fields continue to examine how to most effectively assess and label high volume alcohol consumption. Terms such as “binge” drinking have resulted in considerable controversy and debate. Conventionally the criteria for assessing high-risk drinking includes: five or drinks for men and four or more drinks for women during a sitting/event/occasion within the previous two weeks. Several standardized instruments simply use the cut off for high-risk drinking as five or more drinks and do not include the gender variable when defining this behavior. Both of these measures have undergone criticism for not including a more specific time element. Yet asking respondents to recall specific time frames from a night of heavy drinking may also compromise validity. Further the 5+/4+ or 5+ drinking criterion does not adequately assess intoxication levels or more extreme levels of alcohol consumption. A variety of special measures and terms have been created to capture heavy drinking behaviors and ritualistic behavior. Researchers and practitioners may benefit by using different measures and terms based on context and their specific prevention goals.  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

This article discusses access to and involvement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing, China, in September 1995. It also looks at the impact on consensus-building of the growing diversity of NGOs participating in these global UN events and at the effect on the international women's movement of the frustrations and difficulties faced in the follow up to Beijing as agreements have been reopened or rolled back. In this climate, women activists and feminist analysts are questioning the future viability of the United Nations as a political space for women's organizing, and under conditions of rapid globalization, are increasingly divided on strategies for implementation and activism.  相似文献   

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In order to ensure sustainable development, aid donors need to improve the environmental effectiveness of their whole activity. This improvement seems to be influenced by their interactions with environmental NGOs (ENGOs). Faced with a diversity of interactions between these two kinds of actors, a strategic typology is proposed here to describe this multiplicity and, by doing so, to consider their environmental impact. Four relational postures have been identified: (i) external advocacy and (ii) the cooperation–criticism focus on the antagonistic link that exists between environment and development; (iii) environmental collaboration, and (iv) service provision, which focus on synergies that can exist between environment protection and development issues. Win–win solutions need to be continuously sought and enhanced. However, ENGOs and donors are called to recognize the necessity of maintaining a critical position in actors’ interactions vis-à-vis the implementation of development activities that are detrimental for the environment.  相似文献   

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Book reviewed in this article: D. John Shaw, The UN World Food Programme and the Development of Food Aid.  相似文献   

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This article examines the unique roles of NGOs with special attention to the changing socio-political contexts of NGOs in terms of their partnerships with Rights-Holder Organizations (RHOs), which claim the rights of particular groups of excluded population. It reviews an example of the NGO working with RHOs in Nepal. NGO relationships with RHOs are delicate and not always equitable due to their different backgrounds and expertise. NGOs, comprising mostly people who are not members of the rights-holding groups, use their expertise to work for others over fixed periods, whilst RHOs work for their own constituencies through movements. Until the 1990s, NGOs supported so-called ‘beneficiaries’ who were members of excluded groups whose rights were being denied. Today, RHOs are formed directly by excluded groups. Some NGOs are trying to change their role to become promoters for RHOs, whilst others remain as their proxies, which merely creates an extra layer between RHOs and donors. The article attempts to prove that building equitable relationships between NGOs and RHOs is possible if NGOs have professionalism, expertise in capacity development and a readiness to become more inclusive. Though there are still several challenges ahead, such efforts by NGOs make it possible to change funding flows for RHOs and contribute to inclusive aid.  相似文献   

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This article examines how coalition frames develop and what happens to that frame after the formal coalition ends. To that end, I analyze the frame shift around the 2004 March for Women's Lives (March). The March initially focused on established ideas of reproductive rights around which the four national mainstream co‐sponsors previously organized. However, after a newer reproductive justice organization joined the coalition, material and organizing reflected a shift in framing to reproductive justice. How did this change happen? What are the impacts of this event for the women's movement? Through document analysis and interviews, I trace the negotiations that facilitated this framing shift. I argue that this new coalition frame translated into positive lasting changes in organizing for women's reproductive health even as the coalition dissolved and some of the tensions within the larger women's movement remain.  相似文献   

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Aid fragmentation is a maddening problem in the aid business. NGOs are part and parcel of this fragmentation problem; hence calls for more complementarity between Northern NGOs and (their) governments have led to a series of co‐funding reforms. This article analyses the co‐funding reforms of the Nordic+ donors and situates them within the broader evolutions that have taken place in donor‐NGO relations in these countries. It finds that these donors have interpreted complementarity in very different and even contradictory ways. Where some require NGOs to develop activities within the confines of the official bilateral strategy (intensive complementarity), others allow NGOs to do very different things (extensive complementarity).  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

Before the UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) was held in Brazil in 1992, the involvement of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in UN conferences was limited. NGOs participate in UN conferences in two ways, at a non-governmental forum usually convened simultaneously with an official UN conference, or as accredited observers to the official conference where government delegations meet and make decisions. Only 200 NGOs were granted access to the official portion of the Decade for Women Conference held in Nairobi in 1985, whereas 1,400 organizations were accredited to attend UNCED in Rio in 1992. And while only a small portion, about 5 percent, of those were women-oriented NGOs, they had a significant impact on the outcome. An entire chapter on women and environmental issues was added to the official conference document, and cross-cutting references to women were included throughout the document. This achievement reflects the work of several uniquely placed women, in and outside governments and the United Nations system, working together to build an international network of women and bring their voices to the table. Moreover, the techniques they developed have been used by women at every major UN conference held since 1992.  相似文献   

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This article surveys the recent literature relating to the rationale for scaling up aid and improving its effectiveness. Modalities such as General Budget Support (GBS) are being introduced to increase country ownership and strengthen budget systems and domestic accountability. However, recent assessments of GBS programmes and Public Financial Management (PFM) reforms highlight a number of shortcomings which call into question the role of donors in supporting institutional change. Political‐economy factors are often overlooked. Moreover, in a number of countries, donors are deeply involved in core policy processes, undermining their capacity to play a more constructive role. As a consequence, the strengthening of domestic accountability remains an elusive objective.  相似文献   

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Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have become influential forces in global society. They exert their influence in part by framing issues and thereby suggesting particular courses of action. This article examines how NGOs with distinct missions represent mass violence for the case of Darfur. Content analysis of reports, speeches, and other documents from Amnesty International, Doctors Without Borders, and Save Darfur reveals distinct patterns across organizations. In addition to the organizations' specialized fields, interventions by external actors such as the United Nations and the International Criminal Court affect NGO framing, but they do so in organization‐specific ways. Against presumptions of a uniform Western position on Darfur, this analysis documents that depictions of violence by Western NGOs show field‐specific patterns and distinct responses to international political and judicial interventions.  相似文献   

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Research on non-governmental organizations (NGOs) largely focuses on the actions taken towards contributing to social change in communities and has characterized them into a typology of resisters or cooperators. Using extensive qualitative data, I use this case study to illustrate that NGOs use multiple repertoires of strategies that range from low to high risk. In this article, I show how and why NGO leaders in Monterrey, Mexico, choose their strategies based on their interpretation of the local sociopolitical environment and their assessment of how politically challenging a goal is within that context. By setting aside the dichotomy of NGOs as cooperators or resisters, I demonstrate the connection between strategies, goals, and the local sociopolitical context that is largely missing in our theorizing of NGOs (and other forms of collective action). These findings have implications for understanding how NGOs, as social actors, participate in an increasingly complex and interconnected global space.  相似文献   

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