性别比失调的社会后果及其特点——来自对台湾人口的观察

由于特殊的政治军事原因 ,1 95 0年前后以青壮年男性人口为主的大批大陆人口迁入台湾 ,导致台湾部分年龄人口性别比严重失调。性别比偏高使得处在婚龄段的男性人口成婚困难 ,男性终身不婚率高 ,老年离婚男性比例高 ,以及单身老人处境艰难。性别比偏高还导致婚姻年龄的性别差异扩大 ,经济落后地区女性外流严重。性别比失调的社会影响具有时间上的持续性、空间上的扩散性、年龄上的传递性、社会影响的综合性和问题解决的艰难性等特点。     

从1990年人口普查数据看藏族妇女的婚姻状况

本文根据１９９０年人口普查数据资料对藏族女性的婚姻状况进行了分析,提出如下结论：１．和其它人口群体相比,藏族女性的婚姻状况为有配偶率低、未婚率高、离婚和丧偶的人口比重高;２．其婚姻模式表现为初婚年龄高、不婚率高的婚姻模式。究其原因,一是独特的性比例造成女性可婚对象减少;二是藏族独特的文化传统和风俗习惯使女性没有必须处于婚姻状态的压力,对川藏两地藏族女性婚姻状况的比较说明民族融合有助于藏族女性婚姻模式的改善。     

关于迁移人口的性别比探讨

人口迁移是人口变动的一种形式。在迁移人口中,一般是男性多于女性,但是在特殊情况下,也有女性多于男性的现象。本文试图探索在迁移人口中的性别比变化的规律。     

台湾人口婚姻:现状、特点与问题──兼与大陆地区人口婚姻状况的比较

由于特殊的社会、经济背景,台湾的人口婚姻状况表现出自身的特点与模式。与大陆地区相比,台湾的年轻人更倾向于晚婚、人口的不婚比例偏高、离婚现象相对普遍、已婚有配偶比重较低,而丧偶情况复杂。但在夫妇年龄差、离婚率变动趋势、新郎新娘受教育程度匹配模式等方面,两地也表现出一定的相似性。老年人的不婚与离婚、婚姻市场的“婚姻拥挤”、离婚率的持续攀升,是目前台湾面临的主要人口婚姻问题。     

中国女性终身不婚率的初步研究

终身不婚是一个复杂的社会问题。研究终身不婚,尤其是女性人口的终身不婚,有一定的现实意义。一般而言,到60岁未婚便可认为是终身不婚。从人口学角度观察,中国女性终身不婚和终身不育,几乎可以划等号。因此,女性终身不婚率的高低,在某种程度上会影响到一代人的生育水平。终身不婚人口还存在着老年供养和孤独等社会问题。     

我国人口性比例失调的现状、成因及对策

<正> 在我国,任何人都不可能同时成为两个或两个以上异性的配偶。因而达到一定年龄的待婚配和已婚配的男女两性的总人口之间在数量上必然大体保持1:1的比例关系。无论是待婚配和已婚配的男性人口总量,多于待婚配和已婚配的女性人口总量,还是待婚配和已婚配的女性人口总量多于待婚配和已婚配的男性人口总量,都会造成一部分人口无法找到配偶的社会问题。从婚配的角度上看,待婚配和已婚配的两性人口之间应该保持     

进城还是回村？——跨省婚迁者的空间选择

在经济社会转型、人口频繁流动的条件下,婚迁由乡到城的单向迁移转变成为城乡互动的双向流动。婚迁者留在城市还是回到乡村,要取决于多种条件。本研究通过测度跨省婚迁的性别比发现,自1990年来的20年间我国省际婚迁性别比下降近一半。全国省际婚迁性别比呈现城市-城镇-乡村两端大中间小的“微笑曲线”。在婚迁的空间选择上,男性以城市为主,女性则以乡村为主。进一步分析影响婚姻迁移的因素发现,经济变量中人均GDP对总婚迁和城市婚迁呈正向影响,城镇和乡村呈负向影响;居民收入和消费状况对婚姻迁移产生正向影响,但消费的城乡差别则对其产生负向影响;人口的城乡流动与迁移以及社会变量中各因素对跨省婚迁产生正向影响,而文化变量中的各因素则形成负向影响。     

中国离婚人口性别比：时期变化与空间差异

我国离婚率除存在时期差异还存在城乡差异。1990-2000年间15岁以上人口离婚率增幅显著,男性离婚率先降后升,变化幅度不大,女性自1990年起呈剧烈增长,20年增长了3倍。全国15岁以上离婚人口的性别比自1982年来出现陡降,由378降至127。2010年离婚人口性别比由城市到乡村依次升高,性别空间不均衡矛盾突出。离婚人口的年龄分布具有显著的错峰效应。乡村离婚高峰到来最早,城镇次之,再次是城市,越往后峰形越陡峻。     

人口结构变动对粗离婚率攀升的影响研究

为研究人口结构变动对粗离婚率持续攀升的影响,本文基于2005年和2010年北京市的离婚登记数据,分解了人口年龄、性别结构和年龄别离婚率变动对粗离婚率攀升的贡献率。研究发现:2010年北京市粗离婚率较之2005年上升了0.23个千分点,其中,人口年龄结构变动对粗离婚率上升的贡献率为31%,男性和女性年龄结构变动的贡献率分别为24%和7%;年龄别离婚率变动对粗离婚率上升的贡献率为69%,男性和女性年龄别离婚率变动的贡献率分别为38%和31%。这表明男性在婚姻中处于强势地位,而女性处于弱势地位。此外,通过编制婚姻预期生命表显示,2010年平均婚姻预期寿命比2005年下降了0.7年,女性的平均婚姻预期寿命较男性长,但减少的幅度在增加。     

中国分性别婚姻推迟及其补偿研究北大核心

自20世纪80年代中后期以来我国人口出现了明显的婚姻推迟现象。婚姻推迟与补偿问题不仅关系婚姻家庭本身,而且与生育水平紧密相关,因而受到广泛关注。然而,以往相关研究存在以下不足:第一,对于婚姻推迟仅仅是人口步入婚姻的“进度”上的减慢,还是随着结婚年龄的推迟最终导致相当比例的人终身不婚这一问题,现有研究持不同观点,需要进一步检验。第二,以往相关研究多关于女性,但在中国婚姻挤压非常严重的人口结构背景下,分析比较两性婚姻推迟与补偿的特点更具有意义。第三,以往研究在方法上多使用净婚姻表分析其主要指标,但净婚姻表因纳入了死亡因素反而不能反映婚姻的“净变化”。鉴于此,文章利用我国最新普查数据,采用粗婚姻表以及婚姻补偿指数等多个统计指标,从队列和时期视角探讨近30年来中国婚姻推迟趋势及其补偿效应,特别关注在婚姻挤压背景下婚姻推迟与补偿的性别差异。研究结果表明:中国人口的婚姻推迟程度不断加深,近20年男性婚姻推迟程度高于女性;男女婚姻推迟的补偿效应不断减弱,且男性婚姻推迟的补偿效应低于女性。根据男女婚姻推迟与补偿、终身未婚比例的变化趋势,未来15-20年我国男性将过渡到晚婚不婚模式,而女性还将保持在晚婚普婚模式。我国婚姻推迟与补偿的性别差异与婚姻挤压有密切关系。     

An analysis of marital status]

In the 1980 census, a special investigation was conducted in Wuxi City on the marital status of the local population above the age of fifteen. The investigation covered detailed information concerning those married, divorced, single, and widowed. Results from this investigation show that more men are single than women, and more men are also widowed. In part this is because the average age for husband is older than his wife and the death rate higher is for men than women. Data show that the popular marriage age is between 25 and 29, evidence of a general trend toward late marr iage. In the area of the divorce rate, the rate for women in the city is higher than that in the countryside. The divorce rate for men is higher in the countryside than in the city. In the rate of being single through a lifetime, the rate for men in the countryside is higher than that in the city. This situation shows that in the countryside, because of the poor geographical and economic condition, men suffer from their marriage status. Generally speaking, the divorce rate in China is still lower than that of Western countries and the marital status in China remains more stable. The marital status is influenced by many factors, such as the social and economic situation, customs and habits, religious beliefs, profession, and educational and cultural levels. The collection of information regarding the marital status is useful for analysis of the birthrate and population forecast.     

The Retrenchment of Marriage: Results from Marital Status Life Tables for the United States, 1995

Marital status life tables were calculated using 1995 US rates of marriage, divorce, and mortality. Compared to figures for 1988, the proportion of persons surviving to age 15 who ever marry remained fairly steady at about five‐sixths of all men and seven‐eighths of all women. The average age at first marriage rose substantially: to 28.6 years for men and 26.6 years for women. The probability of a marriage ending in divorce changed little and was .437 for men and .425 for women. It is likely that no US period or cohort will ever have half of all marriages end in legal divorce, though the highest cohort may reach 47 percent. Patterns of marriage and divorce observed since 1970 show the effect that cohabitation continues to have on the American family, where it is delaying, but not replacing, marriage.     

从再婚人口的性别差异看城市女性的再婚困境——以北京为例

随着我国婚姻解体数量的增多，再婚也日益普遍。基于北京市人日抽样调查数据和婚姻登记数据的计算结果表明，北京近年来失婚女性的再婚率只有男性的40％左右。通过对再婚人口的婚次、年龄、教育程度和户籍等方面的特征及其匹配特点的分析，可以看到女性在再婚过程中相对男性处于明显的弱势地位，而“男高女低”的婚配模式则是造成城市女性再婚困境的主要原因。     

Widow remarriages in some rural areas of Northern India

It is commonly believed thai widows belonging to high-caste Hindus in India do not remarry because of various social restrictions imposed on their remarriage. Though some information on widowhood and widow remarriages is available, there is need for more detailed information. A study, carried out by the author, of 1 percent of the rural households in Mathura and Saharanpur districts in Uttar Pradesh and in Rohtak district in Panjab has brought out that nearly SO percent of the ever-widowed are remarried. The survey covered 6,211 households, of which 887 were Muslim and the remaining were Hindu.Of the ever-widowed females, 84 percent in Saharanpur, 25 percent in Rohtak, and 19 percent in Mathura were found to have remarried. With a view to finding out whether differences in widow remarriage percentages by districts were real or were due to variations in the distribution of the ever-widowed females by age, occupation, caste, and the number of living children, the standardized widow remarriage rates were obtained. The population of Saharanpur district was taken to be the standard population. As a result of standardization for age, number of living children, and caste, the difference narrowed down considerably; and, while the widow remarriage percentage was 34.2 in Saharanpur. it was found to be 334 in Rohtak and 31.1 in Mathura. A 3 percent lower figure for Mathura district could be a result of the Brahminic influence.Widow remarriages were found to be very common among younger widows, since nearly 90 percent of those below age 16 and 80 percent of those in the age group 15-19 were remarried. Also, roughly 80 percent of those who did not have a child at the time of their widowhood were remarried. But the per-centage of remarried widows declined with an increase in age and in the number of living children. The percentage of widow remarriages was highest among the Muslims-between 35 and 37-because they put no restrictions on such remarriages. Among the Hindus, the lower castes, such as Chamars, Bhangis, and artisan castes, had the highest percentage of widow remarriages-around 30-because of the absence of social restrictions on such remarriages. Among the high-caste Hindus, the Jats (one of the warrior castes) had the highest percentage of remarried widows. The reason for this is that they have socially permitted such remarriages. Widow remarriages, though on a smaller scale, were also found prevailing among other warrior castes, such as Gujjars, Ahirs, and Rajputs. Among other high-caste Hindus, such as Brahmins, Banias, Khatris, and Aroras, cases of widow remarriages were very few-only around 7 percent. This is the result of a long standing religious sanction against such remarriages.On the basis of our data, we are inclined to say that in the rural areas of northern India no marked change in the social position regarding widow remarriages is noticeable.     

中国离婚丧偶人口再婚差异性分析

根据对再婚率指标的考察,我国不同可再婚人口群体的再婚可能性存在一定差异性。总体而言,女性再婚可能性大于男性,低文化程度女性再婚可能高于高文化程度女性,高文化程度男性有相对较高的再婚可能。上述差异性可能与初婚市场上的婚姻挤压、再婚市场上的婚姻梯度以及高文化程度男性参与初婚市场上婚姻资源的分配有关。     

Urban-rural and educational differentials in marital status in China

Since 1950, laws aimed at delaying marriage have been 1 of the major means of slowing population growth in China, where marriage is nearly universal. Age at marriage has risen in recent decades, but not to the same extent in all localities. This article uses cross-tabulated data from China's 1982 census to assess the effects of urban-rural residence and educational level on the ages at which men and women have been marrying. The data also reveal the effects of residence and education on widowhood, divorce, and current marital status. As expected, exposure to development, indicated by urban residence and higher education, is associated with later marriage, but it also increases the likelihood of ever marrying, especially for men. Women's tendency to seek social mobility by marrying men from economically more developed areas results in bachelorhood for a substantial percentage of rural men, especially those who are illiterate.     

Age at First Marriage and Age at Death in the Lincolnshire Fenland, 1252–1478

In five Lincolnshire villages between 1252 and 1478 there is evidence that men and women married fairly late before the Black Death, and that by 1348/9 the Western European marriage pattern of late and prudential marriage was well established. Households were usually nucleated; husbands were on average eight years older than their wives before 1348/9, and five years older after 1348/9. Marriages were short: according to the best calculation shorter before 1348/9 than after, most often terminated by the death of the first husband, and were unlikely to produce more than three children. Since there were more males than females amongst children and young adults, many men remained unmarried, but since the death rate of women was very high, men lived longer.     

Gender in Marriage and Life Satisfaction Under Gender Imbalance in China: The Role of Intergenerational Support and SES

This study examined gender differences in the influence of marital status and marital quality on life satisfaction. The roles of intergenerational support and perceived socioeconomic status in the relationship between marriage and life satisfaction were also explored. The analysis was conducted with data from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2006, representing 1,317 women and 1,152 men at least 25 years old. Chi-squared tests and logistic regression models were used in this process. Marriage, including marital status and relationship quality, has a protective function for life satisfaction. Marital status is more important for males, but marital quality is more important for females. The moderating roles of intergenerational support and perceived socioeconomic status are gender specific, perhaps due to norms that ascribe different roles to men and women in marriage.     

The family planning work as suggested by analysis of the age at first marriage in Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province]

Since 1970 when the big push for family planning began, China advocated late marriages. In general, the age for late marriage for female peasants is 23 years and 25 for males; for urban females and males, it is 25 and 27 years, respectively. In 1981 the New Marriage Law stipulated the age at marriage to be 20 years for females and 22 for males (these ages are lower than the ages advocated for marriage in actual practice). Despite the New Marriage Law, however, there was in 1981 an increase in the number of people who married before attaining the "late marriage age," thereby creating problems in family planning work. Since 1981, early marriages have been an increasing phenomenon (for the purposes of this essay, age at early marriage is 23 years for females and 25 for males). Jiaxing Prefecture had a 460.53% increase from 1979 to 1981 in the number of women who married early. The following findings were based on studies of Tungxiang and Pinghu Countries. Early marriages as well as "regular" marriages have increased greatly, with early marriage exceeding the number of other marriages. Urban marriages are far more moderate in number than rural marriages, partly because family planning work in urban areas is more effective. Early marriage in areas where family planning work was effective is less extreme than in areas where family planning work was ineffective. Findings from Kayuan Commune of Tungxiang County shows that 47.8% of all male marriages in 1981 were early marriages, as opposed to 6.3% in 1980. The average age for men at marriage in 1981 was 1.6 years younger than in 1980, and .75 years younger for females. Undoubtedly the New Marriage Law influenced the trend in early marriages, but the main reason is that the agarian economy is backwards. Further, traditional attitudes (e.g., "the sooner the children come the sooner the riches come") prevail.     

The effect of marital status at first birth on marital dissolution among adolescent mothers

The sequencing of marriage and first birth was expected to play an important role in the stability of marriage among adolescent mothers. We hypothesized that adolescent women who married prior to conception would have the lowest rates of marital disruption, followed by those who married between conception and birth. Adolescent women who gave birth prior to marriage were expected to suffer the highest rates of marital dissolution. The results provide partial support for our hypotheses. There is little difference in the probability of separation between adolescent mothers who had a postmarital conception and those who had a premarital conception but married before the birth. Having a premarital birth, however, significantly increases the probability of marital dissolution. We also hypothesized that marital status at first birth would have less effect on the probability of marital dissolution for blacks than for whites. This, too, is generally supported by our findings. Among black females, those with a premarital birth are the first to suffer a marital disruption, but by the end of ten years there is little difference in the probability of separation among the three marital status groups. In contrast, among white females, those with a premarital birth are the first to experience a disruption, and this differential persists over all subsequent marriage duration intervals. Thus, the sequencing of marriage relative to birth has similar short term effects for whites and blacks, but the effect for blacks is evident only in the short term. Ten years after the marriage, black adolescent mothers have similar rates of marital stability regardless of the sequencing of marriage. This is consistent with the findings of previous research and with our hypothesis; with the black family pattern of lower rates of marriage, higher rates of illegitimacy and higher divorce rates, the sequencing of marriage has no long lasting consequences on marital stability. Finally, our predicted decline in the effect of marital status at first birth over historical time also finds partial support. For white females there has been a change in the effect of marriage-first birth sequencing on separation over time. In the period encompassed by the women in our study, white adolescent mothers who married subsequent to the birth have been the most likely to experience a separation at all marriage duration intervals, but this differential narrows as age at interview declines. Among black females there has been no change in the effect of a premarital birth over time.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)