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David Denney 《Social Policy & Administration》2008,42(6):560-575
New Labour's domestic and foreign policy have been driven by a complex and contradictory precautionary logic. Fear management appears to have replaced coherent principles in the development of some areas of policy. The preoccupation with fear and anxiety has provided a rationale for the suspension of liberty and the adoption of measures that Western democracies have only usually seen in times of war. Fear‐based policy has also created a more exclusivist, segmented society. 相似文献
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Objective. This study explores the effects of civil war outcome on post‐civil‐war democratization. We employ an expected utility model to argue that the attributes of the civil war that lead to balanced power relations between the warring parties lead to higher levels of postconflict democracy. Methods. We estimate a series of OLS regression models with change in the level of democracy (from the prewar level to five and ten years after the conflict ended) as the dependent variable. Results. Civil wars that end in negotiated settlements are more likely to experience higher levels of democratization than civil wars that end in military victory by either side. Identity‐based conflicts lead to lower levels of democratization while previous democratic experience seems to decrease post‐civil‐war democratization. We find no support for the argument that high war costs and U.N. peace‐keeping forces produce higher levels of democracy. Conclusions. Civil war may lead to more inclusive polities if it serves to even the balance of power between contending groups in the nation. Power balance is more likely to bring about more democratic polities, especially where power sharing is formalized in a negotiated settlement. 相似文献
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Frank C. Thames 《Social science quarterly》2004,85(2):478-496
Objective. Initial studies of post‐Soviet legislative behavior have concluded that parties can affect legislative behavior; however, the methods used by these studies failed to distinguish between the effects of party and personal preferences. Evidence of party effects would be surprising given not only the perceived weaknesses of post‐Soviet political parties, but also the debate on the existence of party effects in the U.S. Congress literature. Methods. The data are electronically recorded roll‐call data from both the Ukrainian Rada and Russian Duma. I employ an OLS residualization technique to construct deputy preference measures. Then, I use multivariate analysis (tobit) to measure the impact of deputy preference and partisanship on support for government legislation. Results. In both the Rada and Duma, party and personal preferences impacted deputy voting behavior. Conclusion. Parties are an important determinant of legislative behavior, even in weak party systems of post‐Soviet Ukraine and Russia. 相似文献
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Lisa K. Zottarelli 《Social science quarterly》2008,89(3):592-607
Objective. The mass migrations, infrastructure decimation, and widespread impact zone make Hurricane Katrina an especially difficult disaster from which to recover. Employment is an important aspect of effective disaster recovery. The purpose of this article is to examine determinants of employment recovery approximately one month and one year after Hurricane Katrina. Methods. The data are from a two‐stage survey of Hurricane Katrina survivors conducted by the Gallup Organization in September/October 2005 and August 2006. A series of logistic regression models were preformed on data from the two time points. Results. The results suggest a complexity to inequality where race and place interact to determine employment recovery. Displacement, gender, income, and homeownership were also significant. Conclusions. Recovery efforts and future research need to incorporate more complex understandings of vulnerability, with particular attention paid to the issues of employment and reemployment. 相似文献
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Objectives. The advent of the War on Terrorism raises the question of the short‐term impacts on public opinion of terrorist attacks with respect to the idea of universal military service in the United States. Previous studies indicate that international crises tend to produce a polarizing effect on public opinion with respect to military service. Methods. Multinomial logistic regression analysis is used here to analyze an archival data set featuring survey data collected among 18,000+ citizens in 18 major U.S. metropolitan areas in 2000, 2001, and 2002. Results and Conclusions. This article offers further support for previous analyses into the principal sources of support for military service. However, the analysis also indicates that the initial impact of the War on Terrorism may have been to produce a decline in support for mandatory military service and a mild unifying effect on the distribution of attitudes rather than the expected polarization. Attitudes toward military service were more polarized in 2000 and 2001 than in the post‐9/11 2002 studies. 相似文献
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