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1.
吕洪霞 《创新》2010,4(1):108-111
公民意识作为现代民主法治中的民众意识,是对传统的臣民意识的超越。它的存在是社会主义市场经济、社会主义民主法治及实现人的全面发展的必然选择,对构建社会主义和谐社会具有重要的价值功能。但沉重的传统承袭时时都在试图摧毁人们心中的公民意识的萌芽。因此,培育良好的现代公民意识,无疑会对经济、政治、社会、文化全面发展的和谐社会产生重要的影响。  相似文献   

2.
This paper aims at constructing a modern theoretical conception of a harmonious society and testing it in relation to governance and citizenship rights, based on an empirical study of Chinese people’s perceptions in Hong Kong. It is proposed that a harmonious society can be defined as “a society in which the component parts are integrative and cooperative; even if there is conflict, it can be resolved within the established mechanisms and does not interrupt the orderly functioning of society.” This study investigates the social, economic, and political aspects and their related institutions in the renewed conception of harmonious society. Overall, less than two‐fifths of the respondents felt that Hong Kong was a harmonious society. The strength of governance in Hong Kong is its sound and trustworthy institutions; the weaker elements are social and interpersonal relations. This finding is in contrast to the traditional notion, which regards social harmony as harmonious social and interpersonal relationships. It is clear that the greatest challenge for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government is the need to rebalance the interests of big business and those of labor and the lower class in order to enhance the perception of a harmonious society among its citizens.  相似文献   

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4.
The core issue for the implementation of modern budget law is to optimize the satisfaction of society’s demand for public goods. The form of implementation mechanism that will best achieve this goal has thus become a major topic in the field of legal research. To go beyond the Anglo-Saxon budget model and construct a realistic path for the implementation of China’s budget law, this issue needs to be explored from the perspective of Chinese citizens in a way that safeguards the fundamental interests of the people and is premised on upholding and improving the People’s Congress system, so as to achieve a balance between internal and external budget allocation relationships. There are three routes to implementing China’s budget law: the political, the social, and the judicial. Under the first, citizens’ political identity interests are represented by deputies who oversee the budgetary powers of administrative bodies through the People’s Congress. Under the second, citizens individually or collectively participate, influence or even decide the allocation of public economic resources through dialogue, negotiation, reasoning and argument with the responsible budgetary agency in the course of the budget’s compilation, examination and approval, execution and supervision. Under the third, the establishment of a system for budgetary litigation allows citizens to participate in and supervise the implementation of the budget law, individually or collectively. This provides judicial security for the law’s implementation. These three realistic implementation routes represent the dialectical unity of concerted institutional effort aimed directly at effective implementation of budget law. Judicial interpretations of budget law implementation indicate the importance and urgency of promoting national governance capacity through reform of the legal systems governing finance and taxation. This explains the significant role of finance and taxation law in national governance.  相似文献   

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6.
社会流动与政治信任:基于CGSS2006数据的实证研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
盛智明 《社会》2013,33(4):35-59
本文通过中国综合社会调查(CGSS2006)数据,详细分析了中国的社会流动对民众政治信任的影响。研究表明,中国30年的改革开放和经济发展为民众提供了大量向上流动的机会,并给他们带来改善生活的希望。人们所经历的向上代际流动和代内流动,以及对向上流动的感知与预期都显著增强了他们的政治信任。结果显示,社会经济发展为人们带来的向上流动的经历与期望有助于维护社会政治稳定。  相似文献   

7.
This article describes the debate taking place about the most appropriate way for States to provide for retirement income for their citizens. The main doctrinal approaches reflected in this debate are analysed in relation to the actual outcomes of state practice. The key issue is argued to be one not of economic or social policy but of political culture. Reform efforts are surveyed on the basis of the starting points and paths followed in particular countries. The critical problem is found to be how to build a pension system that is realistically based on the actual economic, social, and political conditions of a country.  相似文献   

8.
Objective Sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea have changed dramatically throughout the post‐World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article investigates the impact of value change on political cynicism and noncompliance. Methods This research analyzes data from the three waves of the World Values Surveys from 1982 to 1995. Results The findings indicate that there had been a general pattern of spreading public distrust of both social and political institutions between Koreans and that more elite‐challenging forms of political participation showed the predicted increase as well. Also found are different predictors of our two dependent variables: for political cynicism, those with a higher education and/or more libertarian values were more cynical of political institutions; for protest potential, citizens who are better educated, young, more libertarian, and more active in the political process were more likely to exhibit a greater potential to involve themselves in protest activities. Conclusions The research findings conclude that value change has played a central role in interpreting the sociopolitical world, and thus in minimizing the public's faith in key political and private institutions in Korea.  相似文献   

9.
This article examines adolescents' perceptions of the economic changes and the justice of the new "social contract" in Eastern/Central Europe. Focusing on three countries, Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Czech Republic, it explores the social, political, and economic environments in which adolescents came of age in 1990. Surveys conducted among high school students in each country during 1995 tapped their perceptions of the economy, the local community, and their personal beliefs about the efficacy of individual initiative and hard work. Responses differed significantly based on age, gender, social class, value orientation, and country. Older adolescents and girls were more likely to observe that economic disparities were growing in their country and to be cynical about the value of hard work. Those with socialist values also discounted the value of recent changes. Adolescents in the Czech Republic were the least cynical about economic changes, whereas those in Bulgaria were the most cynical, with Hungarian youth the least optimistic about the future.  相似文献   

10.
马得勇  王丽娜 《社会》2015,35(5):142-167
本文以4 000多份网民的调查问卷数据为依据,对中国公众的“左”“右”意识形态立场的现状、特征及其起源进行了分析。研究发现,中国“左”“右”派网民与西方国家的“左”“右”派在基础性政治心理特性上恰好相反,中国的“左派”相对于右派而言,具有更为显著的威权人格特征,也更倾向于维护现有社会秩序和传统价值,在对外态度上更为强硬和排外。右派比“左派”更关注社会公平、限制公权力和赞同后现代价值。从信息接触和政治心理两个理论视角进行分析后发现,媒体影响和威权人格对网民意识形态立场的形成均有明显影响。笔者认为,在新媒体时代,随着信息源日益多元,相对于外在的信息而言,个体内在的威权人格对个人意识形态立场形成的影响可能会更强。  相似文献   

11.
Set against a broad European policy agenda which promotes ‘ageing in place’ and representations of older people as active, independent citizens, this article compares recent English and French policy discourses on population ageing and its implications for the housing needs of increasingly large numbers of older citizens. Through analysis of six recent strategic policy statements representing each government's official responses to population ageing and its social policy implications for the 21st century, we demonstrate how differences in the social representation of the ageing process and of older peoples themselves permeate policy discourse, influencing the perceptions of the housing needs of older citizens and the role that housing itself may play in promoting independent living. In England, demographic ageing, housing and its role in facilitating independent living and active ageing are explicitly articulated, whilst in France, the housing environment has until recently, been portrayed as one which must accommodate the illness, incapacity and dependency of later life. Our article offers explanations for these differences in terms of cultural variations in the social representations or ‘constructions’ of later life, divergences in political philosophies and welfare principles.  相似文献   

12.
Objective. This study adds to our knowledge of the naturalization process by considering the impact of political orientations in shaping the pursuit of U.S. citizenship among contemporary Latino and Latina immigrants. Methods. We draw on data from the 1999 Harvard/Kaiser/Washington Post “Latino Political Survey” and use ordered logistic regression analyses to test the effects of political orientations on immigrant naturalization. Results. Political orientations exert a powerful influence on naturalization beyond the traditional sociodemographic determinants. Furthermore, the impact of political orientations on naturalization varies by gender. Conclusions. Naturalization can be induced by stressing the importance of voting and being interested in politics. In addition, Latinas are more likely to pursue naturalization than Latinos and the factors driving their decisions systematically differ from those of their male counterparts.  相似文献   

13.
Disability issues are achieving increasing prominence in Great Britain and the rest of Europe. However, many of the main arguments, particularly those emphasizing social barriers models of disability, are located within structuralist frameworks. This can be regarded as problematic, as poststructural and postmodern orientations challenge the basic tenets of such formulations. This article explores the making of links between modern and structural and postmodern and poststructural perspectives using a gendered analysis drawn from feminism. It then examines the applicability of the resultant analysis for disability issues, social work and research. In conclusion, it is suggested that the making of such links can enable us to accept and effectively utilize difference and diversity, contradiction, change and fluidity without losing sight of enduring social divisions and associated oppressive responses.  相似文献   

14.
Public policy issues arising from climate change projections are becoming increasingly important in terms of the range and the scope of their effects. In order to effectively confront them it is important to address social, environmental and economic aspects as fully as possible in decision-making processes. In this context, social risk assessment techniques have begun to be applied to explore citizens’ risk perceptions of climate change projections. The present study aims to contribute to this area by examining the influence of four social capital parameters (social trust, institutional trust, social norms and social networks) on public risk perceptions of climate change. An empirical study was conducted for this purpose in Greece's fourth largest city, Heraklion. Results demonstrate that social capital is a significant explanatory parameter for citizens’ risk perceptions. Specifically, individuals with lower levels of social capital tend to perceive higher risks from climate change impacts. The most important parameter explaining this result is the low level of institutional trust, revealing that Heraklion's citizens do not believe that existing public institutions will be able to effectively manage projected climate change impacts.  相似文献   

15.
李忠路 《社会》2018,38(1):215-237
在现代社会,个人根据其能力、素质和专业技能等资质获得职业和社会地位的绩效主义原则已经被广泛认为是符合经济公平正义的主要分配原则。然而,鲜有研究关注公众是如何看待绩效分配原则的。本文利用中国家庭追踪调查2010年基线调查数据(CFPS2010),对公众关于绩效分配原则的认同状况进行了初步探讨。研究发现:第一,社会经济地位越高的成员越认同绩效分配原则;第二,成长于改革开放时期的年轻人更加认同绩效分配原则;第三,地区收入不平等状况在一定程度上降低了社会地位较低的群体对绩效分配原则的认同感。本文的发现在一定程度上表明,当前中国公众之所以对收入不平等表现出较为宽容的态度,主要是因为大部分公众相信教育和个人努力是取得社会成就的重要影响因素,但应注意,公众对绩效分配原则的认同感与其客观社会经济地位存在密切关系。  相似文献   

16.
陶庆 《求是学刊》2007,34(5):78-83
宪法财产权是指公民创造的全部财产不受任何侵犯的自然法权,它由公法上的纳税人权利与民法上的私有财产权两个部分组成。依照与国家之间在先的契约原则,公民须向国家交纳自己创造的一部分财产作为国家赋税,并由此成为纳税人;宪法赋予国家与公民之间对于公民创造的全部财产的分割程序与原则,公民由此享有对国家赋税征收列支等经济政治社会诸事务的广泛参与权,这种由公民财产分割程序与原则延伸出来的政治参与权就是纳税人权利。保障宪法财产权基础上的纳税人权利,是宪政治理逻辑与历史的双重起点。  相似文献   

17.
池上新 《社会》2015,35(2):166-191
本文利用CGSS2010的数据,考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现:第一,随着市场化的推进,居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化,但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化;第二,中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著,市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系;第三,权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用,但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化,而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出,中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期,这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同,也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外,在市场化改革背景下,理性思维日益占据主导地位,因此,提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。  相似文献   

18.
Many now think the Canadian nation-state is entering a phase in its development that can be described as “postmodern” (Porter, 1995, pp. 91–106). Throughout the 1990s we have heard much talk of “asymmetrical federalism,” “bilateral federalism,” “successor states” and Quebec/ROC (Rest of Canada) polarities (Watts, 1991, pp. 1–7). In this time of constitutional and political ferment, commentators postulated the existence of as many as “seven incipient nations” within the borders of the present Canadian polity (Mahler and March, 1991, p. 16). There are resonances here within the field of literary criticism. Linda Hutcheon and Marion Richmond’s Other Solitudes: Canadian Multicultural Fictions (1990) highlight factors of paradox, contradiction, and extreme irony in the Canadian situation, factors they see as central to the postmodern world view. This paper examines two works of Canadian popular culture analyzed against E. J. Pratt’s Towards the Last Spike (1952) in an effort to suggest that a postmodern style may have something to offer our sociopolitical debate. The television dramatization of Pierre Berton’s two-volume work on the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway, The National Dream (1974), and the Canada Day Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) special “Murray McLauchlan’s Floating Over Canada” represent, with Pratt, two differing visions of Canada. The McLauchlan effort, I hope to show, when set against Berton and Pratt, represents an implied postmodern critique of modernism’s romantic faith in technological efficiency and cultural tradition. McLaughlan’s antiintentionalism and playfulness, I argue, offer a useful way to represent some of our present dilemmas and may even provide reasons for optimism about problems that have plagued Canadians for years.  相似文献   

19.
Correspondence to Mary Lane, Department of Social Work, Social Policy and Sociology, The University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia Summary Opening with a story about community work, this paper exploresdevelopments and challenges in social and political theory andthe implications for social work, particularly for collectivepractices. Feminism, postmodernism and green political theoryare of particular interest. The paper argues for an interpretiveapproach to practice which emphasizes the local and specific,yet aspires to broader political action in the pursuit of socialand ecocentric justice. Feminism has much to contribute to thisexercise, challenging, as it does, a modern/postmodern divide.The emerging discourse of ecofeminism offers a synthesis ofsocial and ecocentric purposes and values as a basis for tacklinginequalities, whilst postmodern feminists enlighten our understandingof difference and encourage us to renounce certainty and lastproofs.  相似文献   

20.
Citizen attitudes toward welfare state investments are often explained by their ideological values and their perceptions of deservingness of welfare recipients, yet recent experimental research has led to the theorization that clear deservingness cues can overwhelm otherwise strong ideological beliefs. We tested these claims with respect to homelessness in Canada using a vignette survey experiment and found evidence that citizens with very different political beliefs can support similar government investments, indeed from a shared sense of deservingness as suggested by recent experimental studies, but that support is anchored by rather different reasons. Key Practitioner Message: ? Citizen support for homelessness investments is jointly mediated by ideology and a sense of the “deservingness” of the beneficiary. ? Emphasizing the broader cost savings to taxpayers from “Housing First” does not make conservative‐leaning citizens more supportive of investments. ? Emphasizing the personal attributes of persons experiencing homelessness rather than abstract statistics may unite progressives and conservatives on “deservingness”.  相似文献   

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