禀赋、场域与中国妇女生育意愿研究

利用2006年中国健康营养调查(CHNS)数据,构建模型,对中国18～52岁妇女的意愿生育决策、生育强度及其影响因素进行实证分析。在众多因素中,家庭已有孩子构成、能力禀赋、资本禀赋对妇女生育意愿有着显著影响,技术禀赋对妇女再生育的意愿和强度有重要影响。同时,将划分生育场域边界的地区变量纳入模型,显示不同区域间妇女的生育意愿存在较大差别,中西部地区妇女的生育意愿明显高于东北部地区;妇女禀赋条件越改善、禀赋水平越高、生育场域越优化,其生育意愿、生育强度越低,生育行为越趋理性。未来开展人口和计划生育工作,制定、调整人口和计划生育政策,应该对此予以充分考虑。     

中国的低生育率及省际差异：基于生育指数的观察

聚焦育龄人群“不想生”“不敢生”“不能生”现象，综合考虑生育意愿、生育条件、生育结构3个维度，根据低生育率相关理论，构建生育综合指数，观察分析当前中国低生育率现状并进行省际比较。研究发现，全国生育综合指数的平均值为0.492;生育条件指数值最低，反映了就业和收入因素及缺乏生育支持对生育率的制约；各省(区、市)育龄人群的结构特征较为一致，而生育意愿和生育条件的异质性较大；生育综合指数与总和生育率呈现正相关性，生育综合指数每提高0.1,总和生育率将会提高0.286。提升生育意愿将有助于提升总和生育率，但生育条件和生育结构尚未能有效发挥对生育率的促进作用，需要建立完善并长期实施生育支持政策，以重塑人群的生育观念、改变其生育行为。     

中国低生育水平的稳定性问题探析

中国目前的生育水平已经处于低生育水平状态 ,虽然这一水平不够稳定 ,但仍具有稳定低生育水平的可行性。目前 ,稳定低生育水平既有有利条件 ,也有不利条件。有利条件强于不利条件 ,且有利条件带有客观特征 ,即主体上表现为事物发展的客观规律性 ,并已处于稳定低生育水平的主导地位 ;而不利条件则带有主观特征 ,即主体上人为的因素较多 ,是稳定低生育水平不可忽视的因素和需要做大量工作的方面 ,因此 ,不利因素的转化 ,重在人们主观方面的努力。在此条件下 ,稳定低生育水平一要稳定和提高计划生育工作水平 ,二要加快经济和社会现代化建设的步伐     

对生育观转变的标志的反思

生育观及其转变有确定的内涵,生育观的转变是一个由量变到质变的动态过程,它包括：生育动机的转变,生育主体范围的转变,生育观转变方式的转变和生育文化环境的转变四个子过程的转变。上述四要素的转变相辅相成,相互制约,其转变形成的四个临界点共同构成了判断生育观转变的综合尺度。以上述单一要素在量变阶段某一个时点发生的转变作为生育观转变的标志,是有失客观、理性的;生育行为方式的转变,仅部分程度上反应生育动机的转变,它具有表面性和不稳定性。笔者建议把它作为判断生育观转变的辅助参数,而非标志来使用。     

转变生育文化不应忽视习俗问题

习俗是生育文化中的重要组成部分 ,它对人们的生育观念具有多重影响 ,且影响力不可低估。转变习俗的困难之处有二 :一是因其自身的诸多特点 ,二是习俗有着深厚的文化底蕴。因此 ,转变生育文化不仅要转变生育观念 ,还要移风易俗 ,建立符合现代生育观念的新习俗     

生育政策调整对中国出生人口规模的影响——基于生育意愿与生育行为差异的视角

生育政策调整对中国出生人口规模的影响是本研究关注的主要问题。本文利用2013年中国家庭幸福感热点问题调查的原始数据,基于生育意愿与生育行为差异的视角,研究生育政策调整对中国出生人口规模可能产生的影响。研究发现:通过2011²013年的重复测量,中国目前意愿生育水平在1.86左右;育龄人群现行生育政策条件下的终身生育水平为1.59,生育政策完全放开后的终身生育水平也仅为1.68,都显著低于意愿生育水平;基于生育意愿与生育行为的差异,即使生育政策完全放开,中国20142013年的重复测量,中国目前意愿生育水平在1.86左右;育龄人群现行生育政策条件下的终身生育水平为1.59,生育政策完全放开后的终身生育水平也仅为1.68,都显著低于意愿生育水平;基于生育意愿与生育行为的差异,即使生育政策完全放开,中国2014²020年每年多出生人口规模也不超过324万。     

我国生育保险制度改革探析

传统生育保险制度是与计划经济体制相适应的。随着市场经济体制的建立和经济社会的全面进步,这种生育保险制度客观上存在的覆盖范围小、保障水平低、运作机制不完善等不能有效保护妇女合法权益的问题日益暴露,严重影响到全面小康社会的建设。适应完善社会主义市场经济体制和全面建设小康社会的需要,建立生育保险覆盖面宽,政府、企业、个人三方资金共担、待遇优厚、生育保险法规健全的新型生育保险制度就十分重要。     

中国生育率的地区差异及其政策选择

本文对中国妇女生育率的发展现况进行了客观的估计 ,分析了生育率及其地区差异的特点 ,从内容、可行性、合理性等不同角度对现行生育政策进行了审视 ,指出了现行生育政策条件下中国妇女生育率的发展趋势。面对社会经济和人口发展过程中面临的诸多人口问题与挑战 ,从是否需要调整、调整幅度与如何调整三方面对生育政策调整问题进行了深入的分析 ,讨论了各种可能的生育政策调整方案 ,并提出了自己的一些对策建议。     

论我国人口“生育安全”

生育安全问题包括生育的能力安全、生育的过程安全、生育的健康安全和生育的保障安全。生育安全不仅关联着生育的质量,而且关联着生育的权利和健康的权利。在我国,当前环境污染威胁着生育的条件安全和能力安全;自然、社会经济因素中不安全因素威胁生育的主体安全和过程安全;滥用辅助生育技术对生育保障安全构成威胁。生育安全命题具有理论和政策价值。生育安全是人口安全的核心和基础,凸现生育制度的安全追求是新时期的新使命。测度生育安全的指标体系包括正向指标和负向指标。     

中国低生育水平下的生育意愿与生育行为差异研究

在国家实行全面两孩政策背景下,认清生育意愿与生育行为的差异,是把握中国未来人口形势变化的关键。文章利用2010年以来的四次全国性抽样调查原始数据,对中国育龄人群的生育意愿与生育行为的差异及影响因素进行分析。研究发现:中国目前意愿生育水平在1.82~1.88的区间范围内,其点估计值在1.86左右,已显著低于更替水平;越年轻的出生队列其生育意愿越低,中国未来的意愿生育水平可能会继续降低;育龄人群的意愿生育水平要显著高于其终身生育水平,且二者差异随年龄的减小呈递增趋势,中国未来生育水平存在进一步下降的可能性;没有生育政策限制下的终身生育水平仅为1.68,这可以作为生育政策调整对中国生育水平影响的上限。生育政策对当前育龄人群生育意愿与生育水平差异的贡献度在33%左右,全面两孩政策对中国生育水平的提升作用有限。     

The changing relationship between unemployment and total fertility

The aim of this paper is to investigate whether there has been a fundamental change in the relationship between economic conditions and fertility. We use panel data methods to study the short-term changes in total fertility and the unemployment rate in a range of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries from 1957 to 2014. We find that although fertility was counter-cyclical before 1970, with good economic times being associated with lower fertility, since then it has become pro-cyclical, with good economic times being associated with higher fertility.     

浅析中国1991～2000年生育模式变化对生育水平的影响

分析生育模式的变化对生育水平的影响 ,通过计算 1 991～ 2 0 0 0年中国去进度效应总和生育率TFR’ ,清楚地看出 ,提高初婚年龄和拉大一孩至二孩生育间隔所造成的生育模式的变化导致中国 1 0年间TFR偏低。去进度效应总和生育率TFR’较之TFR更加接近中国妇女的实际终身生育水平     

Determined to stop? Longitudinal analysis of the desire to have no more children in rural Mozambique

Classic demographic theories conceptualize desired family size as a fixed goal that guides fertility intentions over the childbearing years. However, a growing body of research shows that fertility plans, even nominally long-term plans for completed childbearing, change in response to short-term conditions. Because of data limitations, much of this research has focused on low-fertility contexts, but short-term conditions are likely to be even more important in high-fertility contexts. This paper uses three waves of survey data collected in rural Mozambique to study predictors of the desire to stop childbearing in a context of relatively high fertility and high individual and social instability. We use fixed effects models to assess how women’s desires to stop childbearing are shaped by demographic factors, household economic conditions, and health status, controlling for constant individual characteristics. Results provide evidence that fertility desires both reflect stable underlying goals and evolve in response to individual and social circumstances.     

生育率演变的生态学逻辑及人口增长的长期趋势

人口增长的长期过程一直是充满困惑与引发争论的话题,将人类复归到生态系统的普通成员,按照生态学逻辑构建一个由替代生育率内生引导、人口容量外生制约的人口增长新模型,以代替用具体社会经济因子解释短周期人口变动的传统思路,探讨生育率转变的一般模式及人口发展的长期趋势。工业革命以来,全球人口已经或正在经历着第一次、第二次生育率转变,全球生育率演变可以聚类为欧美、亚非拉、撒哈拉以南非洲和东亚四种区域模式;在计划生育政策的推动下,我国在短短的三十年内完整经历了两次生育率转变。极限替代生育率是生育率演变的长期目标,但当前已有一些国家跌破更替水平,这也许会成为各个国家的普遍经历,预示着人口容量约束的日益显性化;世界及主要国家的人口规模正在日益逼近其容量极限,并会在惯性驱动下突破容量限制,达到峰值后再以负增长方式趋近人口容量,同期的生育率也将向极限替代生育率递增复归。按趋势模拟世界和中国的可持续人口容量分别约为65亿人和12亿人。研究设计出测量人口增长惯性的新指标——人口增长惯性系数,它是生育率与实时替代生育率之比或出生率与死亡率之比,相比常用的人口惯性因子更为简便易行。     

When the grass is greener: Fertility decisions in a cross-national context

In research and policy discourse, conceptualizations of fertility decision-making often assume that people only consider circumstances within national borders. In an integrated Europe, citizens may know about and compare conditions across countries. Such comparisons may influence the way people think about and respond to childrearing costs. To explore this possibility and its implications, we present evidence from 44 in-depth interviews with Polish parents in the United Kingdom and Poland. Explanations of childbearing decisions involved comparisons of policy packages and living standards across countries. Individuals in Poland used richer European countries as an important reference point, rather than recent conditions in Poland. In contrast, migrants often positively assessed their relatively disadvantaged circumstances by using the Polish setting as a reference. The findings could help explain why, despite substantial policy efforts, fertility has remained at very low levels in poorer European countries, while migrants from those countries often have higher fertility abroad.     

关于当前生育影响因素的思考

根据我国生育水平来分析影响当前我国生育的因素,并结合社会经济发展,进一步探讨生育影响因素的未来变动与趋势。影响生育的经济因素、社会因素、自然因素以及资源分配或社会平等的政治因素与人们的生育意愿变化等都有抑制生育率提高的作用。生育政策变动、社会保障、人口健康和安全有促进生育率变化的趋向。     

中国生育率研究方法:30年回眸

改革开放30年是我国人口学及人口研究迅速成长的30年。生育率研究方法从一个侧面反映出改革开放以来我国人口学研究方法的发展。中国的生育率研究方法既有从西方引进的各种生育率指标和模型,也有中国学者为了适应自己的需要而改进和创建的方法和模型。笔者从生育率度量指标和生育率模型两个方面总结我国生育率研究方法的应用及变化。对在中国生育率研究中所使用的主要方法进行回顾并对这些方法对我国生育率研究的贡献进行总结。     

Latest-Late Fertility? Decline and Resurgence of Late Parenthood Across the Low-Fertility Countries

After decades of fertility postponement, we investigate recent changes in late parenthood across low-fertility countries in the light of observations from the past. We use long series of age-specific fertility rates from the Human Fertility Database (1950–2016) for women, and new data covering the period 1990–2016 for men. In 1950, the contribution of births at age 40 and over to female fertility rates ranged from 2.5 to 9 percent, but then fell sharply until the 1980s. From the 1990s, however, the prevalence of late first births increased rapidly, especially so in countries where it was initially lowest. This has produced a late fertility rebound in the last two decades, occurring much faster for women than for men. Comparisons between recent and past extremely late (age 48+) fertility levels confirm that people are now challenging the natural fertility barriers, particularly for a first child.     

Sixty years of change in Tibetan fertility: An assessment

Existing knowledge of Tibetan historical population development is mostly based on ‘best-guess’ estimates and is heavily politicized. Using census data, I reconstruct the development of Tibetan fertility in China since the 1940s, with the objective of providing an independent assessment that can be used as benchmark for future studies and debates on Tibetan demography. Following major social and economic transformations starting in the 1950s, Tibetan fertility unexpectedly increased from the late 1950s to the late 1960s. As noted in several existing studies, Tibetan fertility in China then declined swiftly from the early 1980s onwards and has now reached values close to replacement level. Focusing on the 1950–70 period, I examine factors that contributed to shaping the Tibetan fertility increase in more detail. This confirms that changes in nuptiality and disease-related infertility both played a role in pushing up fertility rates among Tibetan women in China.     

Below-replacement fertility in Thailand and its policy implications

The fertility transition in Thailand has been one of the most rapid among Asian countries that are yet to attain newly industrialized country status. In the early 1960s, the total fertility rate exceeded six births per woman; currently, it stands at 1.9 or slightly below replacement level. At present, it is hard to predict the future trend in fertility as this involves several factors that need much closer study, in particular, fertility preferences, changes in marriage patterns and the wider effects of the current economic crisis in Thailand. Rapid declines in fertility and mortality have had a profound effect on the age structure of the population, notably the increasing elderly proportion. Thailand now faces new challenges and priorities for population policy. Policy responses to concerns arising from below-replacement fertility will be much more complex and involve greater government activism, improved institutional capacities and more resources than in the past. This paper reviews the fertility transition in Thailand and looks at some consequences and policy implications of low fertility, with special reference to the family and the elderly population. National Statistical Office