国际人权非政府组织与中东剧变

国际人权非政府组织在中东地区的活动主要是通过基金资助、技术指导和跨国倡议网络等多种方式,培训专业性的反抗力量,变革乃至颠覆中东国家的政治话语体系,促进中东国家公民社会的发展,推动中东地区民主化进程,为政治反对派的抗争活动创造宽松环境。在中东剧变中,国际人权非政府组织的行为特点体现为调查并曝光侵犯人权的行为;充分发挥网络的动员功能;诉诸国际司法,将侵犯人权者绳之以法;影响西方国家舆论和外交决策;依据自身政治偏好主动设置敏感议题;难以摆脱其背后的西方政府的影响。     

非政府组织在约旦民生领域的活动与作用

约旦非政府组织在教育、医疗卫生、救济、减贫与就业等民生领域开展了大量活动。从法团主义的理论视角看,非政府组织在约旦民生领域的活动有三大作用：一是弥补了政府和私营部门公共服务的不足;二是充当约旦政府的伙伴与民生政策在基层的实施者;三是保障基本民生与社会稳定。不过,非政府组织也存在外国捐助机构与外国非政府组织对约旦本地干预、控制和渗透的风险。影响约旦非政府组织在民生领域活动与发挥作用的因素如下：约旦民生状况、约旦政府政策、伊斯兰传统文化和约旦非政府组织自身的短板。总体而言,约旦政府在民生领域起主导作用,非政府组织起辅助作用。从长远来看,约旦政府应当发挥非政府组织的优势并引导其继续在民生领域开展活动,以填补政府在民生领域的不足,但也要严格控制其参与政治活动,警惕外国势力借非政府组织干预约旦国家内政。     

伊斯兰极端主义的历史根源与 圣战萨拉菲主义的嬗变

以"伊斯兰国"为代表的伊斯兰极端主义势力已经成为国际政治发展的重要影响因素。作为伊斯兰极端主义重要形式的圣战萨拉菲主义,正日益成为多数伊斯兰极端组织的思想基础和动员工具。考察圣战萨拉菲主义形成的历史根源,有助于理解当代伊斯兰极端主义的演变过程。从本质上看,圣战萨拉菲主义主要汲取和发展了中世纪和近代极端教派、沙特瓦哈比主义、现代伊斯兰主义的激进思想,是当代伊斯兰极端主义与中东地区和国际政治互动的产物,在激化地区冲突与暴力恐怖活动方面扮演了重要角色。     

当代中东伊斯兰激进组织的暴力行为研究

中东伊斯兰激进组织行动无论与"基地"是否有关,也无论具体的行动是否由本·拉登策划和指挥,绝大部分都打着"本·拉登"的旗号,对外宣称是"基地"组织的一部分.它们选择各种暴力方式,将主要目标指向以美国为首的西方大国、以色列和中东地区的亲美世俗政府,通过威胁性的政治报复性爆炸、恐吓性的经济破坏性屠杀和胁迫性谈判的劫机绑架等途径,追求轰动效应和恐怖后果,从而满足某种政治诉求.     

ISIS与中东连环套

中东地区历时千年之久的伊斯兰教逊尼派和什叶派冲突，日前再度成为举世焦点。2014年6月以来，一个叫做“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”（英文缩写作ISIS）的伊斯兰逊尼派极端组织突然吸引了全世界的目光，他们出动武装，在伊拉克与叙利亚边境大打出手，接连以少胜多击败伊拉克政府军，先后攻陷伊拉克的摩苏尔等多座城市，兵锋直指伊拉克首都巴格达。7月初，该组织宣布建立“伊斯兰国”，剧烈变化的伊拉克形势，被世人再度关注——     

叙利亚库尔德武装的性质及其影响探析

叙利亚库尔德武装以"叙利亚民主力量"的身份,积极反抗"伊斯兰国"组织的暴行,实际上其构成仍然是以库尔德人为主体的单一民族力量,它在国内与叙利亚反对派、叙利亚政府都保持距离,在国际上受到美俄等域外大国的财政援助和军事支持。虽然叙利亚库尔德武装在反恐战争中取得了丰硕战果,然而,国际社会的同情并不能改变叙利亚库尔德武装本身既抑制了"伊斯兰国"组织的扩张,又破坏了中东地区现有力量平衡的双重性质。更严重的是,叙利亚库尔德武装甚至会引发地区其他国家库尔德民族的连锁反应,其所奉行的"库尔德民族主义"的极端化趋势渐显,有可能成为中东地区恐怖主义的新源头。     

论我国政府与非政府组织关系模式选择

近年来,我国非政府组织发展迅速,作为社会治理的多元主体之一,其凭借独特优势在政府对社会治理过程中逐渐发挥出越来越重要的作用。然而,目前我国非政府组织自身发展以及在社会治理方面与政府的行为模式研究才刚刚起步,需要在发展过程中不断进行总结和反思,结合我国的实际,探索出一套有利于我国非政府组织参与社会治理的模式结构。本文首先对非政府组织以及政府与非政府组织关系的现状进行简要论述,结合实际,指出我国非政府组织与政府间应该建立一种互助合作的关系模式。其次,分析了我国非政府组织与政府合作关系模式构建面临的困难,最后提出了构建我国非政府组织与政府合作关系模式的对策。     

我国非政府组织参与公共危机治理的路径分析

愈加复杂化的社会环境使得公共危机出现常态化发展趋向,在政府力量不足以应对的现实情况下引入非政府组织参与公共危机治理成为必然。但是目前我国非政府组织内外环境的不利因素仍制约着其优势的充分发挥,需要通过与政府建立协作伙伴关系、建立并完善法律法规、提高社会参与积极性、充盈非政府组织的人力资源、提升非政府组织的财务管理能力等措施促进我国非政府组织有效地参与公共危机治理。     

中东剧变与中国中东政策

中东动荡历时一年多,导致该地区多国政权更迭,并迅速扩展到叙利亚,叙危机已成为这场动荡旋涡的中心。伊斯兰势力的崛起成为这些转型国家面临的严峻课题。动荡使中东地区格局面临新的调整,地区大国间矛盾和力量消长,将影响有关国家政局和热点问题走向。美国调整中东政策,深刻影响了地区局势走向。中国坚持"不干涉内政"原则,尊重有关国家人民自主选择的原则立场,得到国际社会理解和肯定。中东形势演变对中国中东外交带来重要机遇和严峻挑战,中国应审时度势,积极应对,谋求中国与中东国家关系的新发展。     

美国应对中东剧变的“奥巴马主义”探析

美国应对中东剧变的政策措施彰显"奥巴马主义",即军事上谨慎用兵,避免直接地面占领或卷入一场针对伊斯兰国家的新战争,而是通过武装反对派推行"阿拉伯人打阿拉伯人",减少人道主义干预的成本;政治上运用所谓美国的"巧实力",让欧洲大国和阿拉伯盟友提出议程设置,充当"急先锋",美国在背后"掌舵",以最廉价的方式延续美国在中东的领导地位;外交上通过议题设置,让联合国人权委员会等国际组织和非政府组织服务于美国政府;经济上运用援助和制裁两手政策来实现政治目标;文化上利用媒体、非政府组织和网络,开展民间外交和网络外交。奥巴马政府试图综合运用军事、政治、外交、经济和文化手段,推动中东反美国家的政权更迭,维护亲美国家的政局稳定。研究表明,无论是主张依靠硬实力的"布什主义",还是主张依靠巧实力的"奥巴马主义",其在中东维持美国领导地位的战略目标,却是一致的。     

Having the Last Word: Human Rights Reporting (Re)Imagined Through Critical Qualitative Methodology

Human rights monitoring and reporting have emerged as major practices of human rights lawyers and advocates in both non-governmental organizations and inter-governmental organizations. This reporting is a form of knowledge production, often geared towards advocacy on behalf of human rights protection but also seeking to provide an ‘objective’ report of some kind. NGOs and IGOs employ a range of methodologies, but these are rarely formalized and tend to rely more on general institutional reputation and credibility, as well as the professionalism of individual practitioners. Some scholars have recommended more formal, standardized methods and have raised the possibility of borrowing models from other contexts. This paper considers contributions that critical methodologists from the social sciences and related disciplines might offer to human rights practice, particularly human rights monitoring and reporting. Traditional methodological approaches in the social sciences and in law have been criticized, interrogated, and (re)developed in recent years from numerous perspectives, but it does not appear that these critical approaches have penetrated international legal work, especially human rights lawyering. This paper suggests that critical qualitative methodologies offer great opportunity to reconceptualize traditional approaches to method and practice in human rights work.     

中东剧变与中国中东政策

中东动荡历时一年多,导致该地区多国政权更迭,并迅速扩展到叙利亚,叙危机已成为这场动荡旋涡的中心.伊斯兰势力的崛起成为这些转型国家面临的严峻课题.动荡使中东地区格局面临新的调整,地区大国间矛盾和力量消长,将影响有关国家政局和热点问题走向.美国调整中东政策,深刻影响了地区局势走向.中国坚持“不干涉内政”原则,尊重有关国家人民自主选择的原则立场,得到国际社会理解和肯定.中东形势演变对中国中东外交带来重要机遇和严峻挑战,中国应审时度势,积极应对,谋求中国与中东国家关系的新发展.     

伊盟、伊合与中国中东人文外交

伊斯兰世界联盟与伊斯兰合作组织是泛伊斯兰主义制度化的产物,伊盟主要通过朝觐平台间接对伊斯兰国家政治施与影响,伊合则通过推进议题的方式直接对伊斯兰国家政治产生影响;我国历来重视发展与这些泛伊斯兰国际组织的友好关系,并取得了宝贵历史经验与良好的成效;在明确我国与泛伊斯兰国际组织开展人文交流与合作的资源优势、基本目标及其实现途径的基础上,探索我国对中东国家开展“全方位、多层次、宽领域”人文外交的应对之策,旨在进一步提升我国对中东伊斯兰国家的人文外交能力.     

中东大规模动荡与我国的外交应对

中东剧变一年多以来,阿拉伯国家蒙受巨大冲击,引起了所有中东国家乃至国际社会的高度关注,而这首先与中东的重要位置有关.这次变局几乎波及所有阿拉伯国家,民众诉求涉及政治、经济、社会诸多方面.问题是长年积累下来的,2011年的动荡应是这种情绪的大爆发,虽会推动社会前进,但代价却是巨大的.叙利亚问题前景仍不明朗,目前只维持了脆弱的和平.中国以“不干涉内政”原则和“劝和促谈”的方针应对这次大动荡是正确的、主动的,不管外界有多少反对声音和暂时的不理解,都应坚定不移地走下去.     

Heading South: Time to Abandon the ‘Parallel Worlds’ of International Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) and Domestic Third Sector Scholarship?

Since third sector research emerged as a full-fledged interdisciplinary academic field during the late 1980s, a separation has usually been maintained—in common with many other social science disciplines—between communities of researchers who are primarily concerned with the study of the third sector in rich Western countries and those who work on the third sector in the so-called developing world. Whilst internationally focused researchers tend to use the language of ‘non-governmental organizations’, those in domestic settings usually prefer the terms ‘non-profit organization’ or ‘voluntary organization’, even though both subsectors share common principles and are equally internally diverse in terms of organisations and activities. Whilst there has long been common-sense logic to distinguishing between wealthier and poorer regions of the world based on differences in the scale of human need, the ‘developed’ versus ‘developing’ category can also be criticised as being rather simplistic and unhelpfully ideological. As the categories of ‘developing’ and ‘developed’ countries become less clear-cut, and global interconnectedness between third sectors and their ideas grows, this paper argues that we need to reconsider the value of maintaining these parallel worlds of research, and instead develop a more unified approach.     

1973年石油危机与日本中东政策的调整

1973年10月第四次中东战争爆发后,阿拉伯国家限产提价,造成石油危机,对以美国为首的西方国家施加压力。日本石油严重依赖阿拉伯国家的石油,国内立即陷入危机,不得不与美国反复磋商,最后在美国的默许下发表了基本符合阿拉伯要求的声明。日本对中东政策的调整,是在对中东石油的需求和受美国控制的夹缝中进行的。日美关系是战后日本对外政策的基轴,冷战中如此,冷战后亦如此。     

Engendering Citizenship,Feminizing Civil Society

Abstract

In this paper, I describe how feminists in countries of the Middle East and North Africa are challenging their second-class citizenship largely institutionalized in patriarchal family laws-and are calling for an extension of their civil, political, and social rights. I use the term “feminist” to denote de jureand de factofeminists working to advance women's rights. The paper seeks to make theoretical sense of contemporary rights-based movements and discourses in the region through an application of theories of citizenship. It highlights the role of women's organizations in the regional call for democratization, civil society, and citizenship and it provides an empirical content to the discussion of citizenship, state, and civil society. Data and information are gleaned from a close reading of the literature by and on women's organizations in the region, and from personal observations and interviews.     

The NGOs and the Grand Illusions of Development and Democracy

The role of civil society in the improvement of equitable development and the stimulation of democratic culture has been notably recognised by international development agencies. In the new policy of ‘good governance’ that proposes progress regarding development and democracy in parallel in the developing countries, civil society is often represented by non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This paper bases its arguments primarily on theories in relation to the role of civil society with regard to development and democracy to raise concerns about current policy trends of ‘good governance’ in the general context of developing countries with the main focus on Africa. The concerns are substantiated by empirical verification through a review of literature. The paper concludes that NGOs are unlikely to have the strength to either promote development or foster democracy.     

Interrogating the tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Middle East

In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by nation‐states to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.     

Civic Sectors in Transformation and Beyond: Preliminaries for a Comparison of Six Central and Eastern European Societies

The paper presents a comparative analysis of the recent developments in the civil societies in six Central and East European (CEE) countries: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. Focusing on the level of civil society organizations (CSO), it first discusses the changes in their role as social actors and co-operation within the civic sector itself. Second, it examines the process of civic–public sector partnership consolidation, and third, some of the more recent challenges that the civic initiatives in these countries are facing. It aims to highlight the diversity of patterns of civil society development in the region and argues for a reassessment of its ‘weakness’ thesis.