城市政治与利比亚政局的演化逻辑——以米苏拉塔和津坦为中心

后卡扎菲时代的利比亚中央权威衰落,国家纵向权力结构瓦解,各类次国家行为体的角色凸显。利比亚高度城市化,相比于部落和新兴武装团体,城市更有能力承担传统上由中央政府承担的资源集中、权威价值分配的政治组织功能。利比亚西部地区米苏拉塔和津坦等以城市地缘为纽带的政治力量对后卡扎菲时代利比亚政局发展影响深远。利比亚城市政治的观念和组织基础在于市民拥有强烈的城市身份认同和共同的城市利益,城市内部组织结构较为明晰。城市政治的现实权力基础在于拥有得天独厚的地理优势和强大的城市武装力量,能够强有力地在特定“领土”范围内控制安全秩序和经济。西部城市间的竞合和权力消长是导致利比亚第二次和第三次内战爆发、国家机构分裂、过渡政府缺乏权力基础的重要因素。城市权力的扩张加剧了利比亚政治的碎片化,阻碍了后卡扎菲时代的政治进程,但城市也是国家重建所依赖的基本要素。     

利比亚非法移民问题的形成、发展及其治理

利比亚非法移民问题是涉及政治、经济、社会、安全等因素的地区性和国际性问题。卡扎菲时期的利比亚和欧盟国家就非法移民问题开展合作,使得该问题处于可控状态。2011年"阿拉伯之春"发生后,随着卡扎菲政权被推翻,利比亚国内陷入权力真空状态,在政府管理缺失的情况下,非法移民问题日趋严重,与人口贩卖、恐怖主义、走私等问题相互交织并持续发酵,不仅加深了利比亚政治、经济、社会等方面的矛盾,还对非洲及欧洲地区安全构成了一系列挑战。利比亚非法移民问题的治理,不仅需要非洲国家在地区安全问题上建立合作机制,也需要国际社会合作应对北非地区非法移民和难民问题的挑战。     

我印象中的卡扎菲

我在利比亚工作期间,人们常对我说,卡扎菲既是利比亚人民的领袖,也是一位孝子.卡扎菲孝敬父母的故事在利比亚广为流传. 卡扎菲感谢父母的养育之恩,更感谢他俩为其施展才能创造了机会.的确,对一个在贫瘠的半沙漠地区放牧牛羊、骆驼为生的贝都因人来说,要养活6口之家已很不容易,但卡扎菲的父母却咬紧牙关、省吃俭用,不仅将儿子送去读书,还支持他的政治活动.     

利比亚危机中,中国外交的“变”与“守”

从2011年2月利比亚爆发国内动乱,到2011年9月16日,第66届联合国大会同意利比亚＂全国过渡委员会＂作为利比亚在联合国的合法代表,卡扎菲统治这个北非国家长达42年的历史基本结束。     

利比亚冲突背景下伊朗的利比亚政策

受突尼斯政局突变等影响,2011年初利比亚国内冲突爆发,北约乘机进行军事干涉,支持利比亚反政府武装推翻卡扎菲政权。此后,利比亚冲突持续至今。利比亚冲突初期,伊朗对利比亚采取了支持反政府抗议活动、反对卡扎菲政权的镇压活动的政策立场,同时反对北约的军事干涉。其原因是：伊朗将利比亚反政府抗议活动定性为“伊斯兰觉醒”,且进入21世纪以来伊朗同卡扎菲政权的关系出现新矛盾;伊朗认为北约的军事干涉是非法的,且伊朗一贯反对美国对中东国家的任何干涉。卡扎菲政权倒台后,伊朗对利比亚采取了不介入政策。在利比亚东西部对立当局形成后,伊朗对利比亚采取了总体中立但略微偏向西部势力的政策立场。伊朗采取不介入和相对中立政策的原因在于：卡扎菲倒台后,利比亚政局并没有按照伊朗所预期的方向发展;利比亚不是伊朗外交的重点国家;利比亚东西对立势力的外部支持力量势均力敌且均与伊朗关系复杂。     

利比亚向美国示好有点难

北非国家利比亚,濒临地中海,占地面积约176万平方公里,人口550万。现任领导人卡扎菲1969年发动政变上台,1977年更改国名,1986年正式定名为“大阿拉伯利比亚人民社会主义民众国”。30多年来,利比亚在国际舞台上卓然不群,时常做出一些与众不同的事情来,引起世界的关注。利比亚作为北非的一个人口小国,为什么胆敢在国际社会特立独行?究其原因,一是资源丰富,经济上比较有实力,与一些非洲国家比简直堪称富有;二是政治上强硬,我行我素,民族意识浓烈。利比亚拥有丰富的石油和天然气资源,同时地理位置优越,拥有与地中海相连的1900多公里的海岸线。石…     

特殊领袖卡扎菲

利比亚“9.1”革命领导人穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲是一个不担任任何行政职务,却有着至高无上权力的特殊人物.是他,年仅27岁就领导革命,推翻了伊德里斯封建王朝,建立了革命政权;还是他,创建了世界上独一无二的民众国制度,一个“没有政府、没有军队、没有警察,只有人民的国家”.按照卡扎菲的话说,“我既不是国家元首,也不是     

孰是孰非卡扎菲

3月17日，联合国通过了在利比亚建立禁飞区的决议，多国部队对利比亚的军事目标实施空中打击，一时间，利比亚及其领导人卡扎菲成了世人关注的焦点。     

卡扎菲之死

坚持了7个月之后，卡扎菲终于死了。虽然许多人都知道，利比亚“全国过渡委员会”的内部权力斗争才刚开始，但仍然忍不住要为卡扎菲之死欢呼。，毕竟，很长一段时间里，卡扎菲都是一个刺儿头，麻烦制造者。所以，《华尔街日报》直接称之为“怪人、恶人”。     

利比亚的核政策：历史与现实

出于对自身政权安全的考虑,利比亚早在1969年即开始秘密进行核武研发活动,直至2003年宣布弃核。由于同美国等西方国家存在很大矛盾,利比亚从20世纪八十年代末起遭受日益严厉的经济制裁,其经济社会发展受到严重制约,人民生活水平明显下降,进而诱发了人民的反政府情绪并给政治反对派以可乘之机。在此背景下,利比亚决定采取实际步骤改善与西方国家的关系,这是利比亚弃核的根本原因。而伊拉克战争强化了卡扎菲对其政权威胁严峻性的认识,则成为其弃核的直接原因。利比亚虽然宣布弃核,但随着国际和地区形势的变化,将来仍有重新踏上核武研发之路的可能。     

Civil Religion and National Politics in a Neoliberal Era

Civil religion, or the connection of the nation‐state, its history, destiny, and people, to understandings of transcendence or divinity, is in crisis both as a theoretical concept and as a politico‐cultural phenomenon. The crisis has been brought about by the weakened capacity of the nation‐state to generate collective identity and a version of ‘charismatic’ authority. We argue that this has resulted in a shift from the widely accepted conceptualization of civil religion as a unifying force in societies to a more exclusionary force that Williams (2103) calls “tribal civil religion” That, in its own way, undermines the nation‐state. In this paper, we examine the history and various understandings of the concept of civil religion, develop an argument that the assault on the nation‐state has meant the rise of increasingly exclusive and exclusionist expressions of civil religion, and present possible suggestions for sites where ‘unitive’ civil religion may still be found.     

转型时期的中东社会和当前政治危机分析

二战后,中东国家进入社会发展的转型时期,目前处于矛盾集中爆发且极为动荡的"过渡政治发展阶段"。中东国家必须面对一系列既有来自外部也有自身发展无法回避的严峻挑战和重要任务。当前中东出现的政治危机大致分为三种类型,其产生既有多种现实动因,也有深层社会原因和外部势力的影响。政治危机已对中东各国政治发展产生了重大影响。中东国家已步入矛盾、危机多发期,下一次政治震荡可能会冲击中东君主制国家。     

埃及与穆斯林兄弟会

埃及穆斯林兄弟会在其80余年的发展历程中几经沉浮,现已成为当前埃及境内最有影响的政治力量,并将对后穆巴拉克时代埃及的政局走向、社会转型产生巨大影响.对穆斯林兄弟会的研究不能囿于惯性思维而将其视为“激进组织”,应以历史唯物主义的观点和方法,还原其历史真相,特别是要看到该组织在发展过程中曾经有过对自身“激进思想”的修正,从而对它有更加全面、公正的认识.     

Cartographies of disease: Maps,mapping, and medicine

Although sociologists regard charisma as a social construct, few studies look at the explicit interactions that create and maintain this type of authority. This article examines one specific, but ubiquitous social interaction between leader and follower – the charismatic touch. The charismatic touch is a semi-formal interaction in which leader and followers exchange mutual recognition through verbal, visual and physical touch. Through touching each other this way, charisma becomes palpable, the bond with followers enlivened and the authority of the leader reconstituted. By analysing photographs from a visual ethnographic study of Diamond Mountain, a Western convert Buddhist community, and images of political leaders culled from mass media, one can observe a dynamic of intimacy and distance in maintaining and performing charisma. As data, visual representations of the charismatic touch capture evidence of its micro-interactional nature and offer a new approach to the field of charisma in the digital age.     

Nationalism, Charisma, and Plebiscitary Leadership: The Problem of Democratization in Max Weber's Political Sociology

Max Weber has typically been regarded as a central thinker in the liberal tradition of social analysis. At the same time, critics have long noted how his democratic commitments were compromised by his nationalism. Drawing on existing criticism, I discuss the importance of charismatic leadership in Weber's thought and its implications for his understanding of the process of democratization. Reconstructing core concepts in Weber's political thought, I analyze how Weber's concept of plebiscitarian leadership unites charismatic domination with nationalism and skepticism concerning effective democratic politics. I show how Weber's concept of plebiscitarian rule grew from deeply held political values and his engagement with German politics. I then generate propositions regarding the problem of democratization in regime transitions and apply them to contemporary charismatic leaders and ethno-nationalist mobilization in post-Communist transitions. I argue that as much as it anticipates the central dilemma of charismatic solutions to political crisis, Weber's thought favors nationalist and plebiscitarian responses to democratization that have been largely discredited by historical experience.     

Navigating Globalization: Immigration Policy in Canada and Australia, 1945–20071

Scholarship on immigration and globalization has failed to adequately analyze the nation‐state’s regulatory capacities, insisting instead that contemporary patterns of migration jeopardize national sovereignty and territoriality. While recognized that states possess the legitimate authority to control their territorial and membership boundaries, recent transformations of these capacities remain largely unanalyzed. This article’s historical analysis of Australia and Canada’s postwar immigration policies demonstrates that the contours of state regulation are intimately connected to the exigencies of state administration and nation building and—in contrast to the expectations of dominant theories—have intensified and expanded within the globalization context. The literature’s inattention to the fundamentally political nature of immigration has obscured the critical effects of national policies within both the migratory and globalization process. Australia’s and Canada’s contemporary policies constitute a unique model of migration control and reflect attempts by both countries to strategically position their societies within the global system and resolve a number of economic, political, cultural, and demographic transitions associated with globalization.     

Professional authority and state power

Conclusion The relation between professional authority and state power is not to be found in the political clout of the A.M.A. or the A.B.A. nor in the fact that lawyers work at every level of government and doctors often occupy key policy making positions. The relation between state power and professional authority that I have tried to underline is more diffuse and embedded in the very work doctors and lawyers do. But even this claim can be misleading, because what's at issue here is not how doctors and lawyers use their expert authority to extract consent from and normalize patients and clients. In fact, it is the erosion or deconstitution, as I have called it, of this authority by the commodification of legal and medical services that has brought out more subtle problems and more revealing ties to state power.The HMO doctor who has to advise a patient about emergency service coverage is a good example of the way in which medical service, state administrative power, and economic interests are visibly intertwined in the actual provision of medical care at the ground level. When we take this one step further, the role of the state in the crisis of the professions begins to emerge. State licensing laws and insurance regulations are restructuring the already fragile relations among patient, doctor, HMO, and insurer. The patient in this example, outraged by pseudo-medical advice on emergency coverage, may soon recognize that it is not only the doctor who is incapable of assessing his or her medical needs. The political domain itself is becoming a maze of tort laws and tort reform proposals.What difference does all of this make? Right now, for the professions it may mean slightly more competition among practitioners and, for some, a loss of status. For the state it means a new kind of oversight and intervention. Instead of licensing professional autonomy, state power is now being used to stabilize the process of commodification by encouraging backsliders and disciplining those who would go too far. One reason unethical behavior is drawing closer state scrutiny is its high economic costs. Although these are obviously important consequences, I have tried to emphasize a more theoretical one. At the same time the state is being drawn into the commodification of professional services, the professions are losing their ability to interpret persuasively the origins and scope of human needs. This means that the repoliticization Habermas and Offe anticipate makes even more sense. Not only is the state's role in previously private matters subject to criticism, it seems unable to provide a forum for critical needs interpretation of the pragmatic sort at a time in which the professions are seen as derelict in their traditional duty of needs interpretation.This point can be made more precise by distinguishing two ways in which my analysis of professional authority is related to Habermas's and Offe's work. I have not analyzed professional authority in general, but medical and legal professional authority in the United States in particular. One implication of this study is that the prospects for democratic social movements in the United States along the lines Habermas and Offe sketch may depend upon the commodification of professional services more than simply the general intervention of the state into private economic, educational, and family affairs. This peculiar feature of a strong American social movement would be the result of the traditional popular dichotomy between authority and power, the historical role of the professions in needs interpretation in the United States, and the current radical deconstitution of medical and legal authority. Habermas and Offe seem more concerned with the more mature European social movements than with events in the United States. My analysis applies and amends their legitimation crisis thesis, and the repoliticization hypothesis especially, in the U.S. case.But, like a good case study, it also suggests a way in which the general theoretical framework that guided it in turn can be revised. In my analysis it is the concept of needs interpretation that has general theoretical significance for the legitimation crisis thesis. One problem critics have noted in the legitimation crisis thesis is its inadequate account of what motivates or will motivate such as crisis. Habermas's own treatment of the difference between a legitimation crisis and a motivational crisis is notably weak. The case of the deconstitution of professional authority suggests that the motivational basis for a legitimation crisis cannot be deduced from greater state intervention in private domains but that it nonetheless may have its roots in basic changes in the political economy. The commodification of medical and legal services is part of a larger transformation in capitalist political economies that I have not been able to describe here. Although I have called this commodification an internal process, it most certainly reflects larger trends and changes, both domestically and internationally. What the deconstitution of professional authority suggests is that 1) it may be possible to gain greater clarity about the motivational basis of a potential legitimation crisis through the concept of needs interpretation, 2) this motivational basis is not a simple function of the macroeconomy, but still 3) how effective professional and political needs interpretation are will depend upon the pace and range of commodification.

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Charisma,collectives, and commitment: hybrid authority in radical feminist social movement organizations

The primary goal of this article is to add to the literature on the role of social movement organizations in facilitating movement involvement and activism. Using Weber’s definition of domination and delineation of ideal types of social action as starting points, my specific focus is on those SMOs that exhibit authority that is situated in the whole (collective) and manifests an extra-ordinary (charismatic) hold on the members/followers. I suggest the term ‘collective charisma’ for this hybrid form of organizational authority exhibited in a subgroup of SMOs. Examples from the radical U.S. feminist movement are used to illustrate how this particular organizational form shapes movement commitment, specifically the creation of collective identity, oppositional consciousness, and culture.     

Figures of history,foundations of law: Acéphale,Angelus Novus,and the Katechon

In this paper, I offer the reader a survey of three figures of history, namely, Bataille's Acéphale, Benjamin's Angelus Novus, and Schmitt's Katechon. My approach will not be to provide an exhaustive exegetical account. Instead I focus on the primary texts and provide the reader with comparative sketches. This is important because each of these figures respond to the crisis of authority in the 1930s. Each of them uses the concept of the moment or now as a way of questioning law, and legitimate authority. My aim is to explore the similarities and differences that relate them.     

Freedom ossified or economic crisis? A comment on Holger Henke

This article contends with the view that the political crisis in some Anglophone Caribbean countries—primarily Jamaica—can be understood as arising from the black middle‐class leadership's use of race and nationalism to obscure class issues. It argues that the race and national issues were and are legitimate class issues and that it is theoretically and practically a mistake to counterpose the two. The black middle class achieved important victories against colonialism and racism but now is faced with global economic and political forces for which it is ill‐equipped to address. The political crisis that it faces is more a result of these global forces than it is of the internal weakness of this class.