聚焦G20财长和央行行长上海会议

2月26~27日,中国金融之都上海迎来了全球最大经济体G20成员国的财长和央行行长。各大资本市场的大佬们就全球经济形势、"强劲、可持续、平衡增长框架"、投资和基础设施投资、国际金融架构、金融部门改革、国际税收、绿色金融和气候资金以及反恐融资等议题开展讨论沟通,非正式地就各自市场形势发展情况交换信息,通报各自的政策意图,商讨应对全球金融危机的有效对策。李克强总理发表视频     

提高高校反腐倡廉制度执行力的途径与方法研究

反腐倡廉制度建设是高校反腐倡廉建设的重要组成部分,是构建惩治与预防腐败体系的重要内容,加强反腐倡廉制度建设已经成为普遍共识。目前,反腐倡廉制度体系框架基本形成,但还有诸多不尽人意之处,执行力有待进一步提高。要积极探索提高高校反腐倡廉制度执行力的有效途径与方法,完善制度内在的执行价值,提升制度外在的执行环境,建立制度执行的保证机制。     

完善激励和约束机制,促进上海生态文明建设

生态文明建设是现阶段破解上海城市难题、提升城市地位、增强城市综合竞争力的必然选择,而建构一整套评估与考核指标体系、完善政策法规体系、加快建立和完善激励和约束机制是生态文明建设的根本保障。上海生态文明建设应结合上海市情,结合上海"十二五"规划和环保"三年行动"计划做好顶层设计:加强政府引导,明确生态文明定位;健全政法体系,加大执法监督力度;建立预警系统,完善生态监管制度;做好污染防治,构建应急响应机制;多渠道筹集资金,完善投入保障机制。     

职业院校“双师型”队伍建设存在的问题及对策

"双师型"教师队伍建设是当前职业院校发展的重要工作,虽然各学校投入大量的人力、财力,但存在认识有误区、引进和培养机制不完善、人才流失严重等问题。职业院校要想摆脱发展的困境,必须从自身出发,发挥主观能动性,加强"双师型"队伍建设。要从制定认定标准入手,通过加强人才引进、完善培养机制、完善奖励机制等措施科学建设"双师型"队伍,从而促进学校和教育事业的发展。     

“双一流”建设视域中高校博物馆的定位探析

高校博物馆承载着高等教育的教学科研、通识教育、高校文化和社会宣导四重功能,对建设具有中国特色世界一流大学有着极其重要的价值。近年来,我国"双一流"高校在场馆规模、藏品数量、数字化程度等层面上得到了长足进步,但与世界一流大学相比仍存在着不小的差距。因此,在"双一流"建设视域中,"双一流"高校博物馆必须厘清自身定位、完善机制构建,发挥博物馆文化育人的功效和更大的社会效益。     

金秋茶坊

上海APEC盛会扬我国威新华社消息：１０月２１日，亚太经合组织（APEC）第九次领导人非正式会议在上海举行。出席会议的各经济体领导人就全球及地区的宏观经济形势以及美国“９·１１”事件对经济发展带来的影响、人力资源能力建设和亚太经合组织未来发展方向等问题，深入交换意见、达成广泛共识，通过并发表了《领导人宣言》，还发表了《亚太经合组织反恐声明》。主办这次会议也是新中国外交史上级别最高的一次外交活动。点评：成功举办上海APEC会议，中国向世界展示了现代化建设的巨大成就，赢得了国际声誉。面对新世纪的新挑战，我…     

巴以和解政策困境中的耶路撒冷问题

造成巴以和解政策困境的原因极为复杂,在耶路撒冷被国际与地区势力政治化的博弈中,耶路撒冷问题衍化为巴以和解政策困境的关键:两个耶路撒冷话语体系的冲突、两个耶路撒冷圣城之子的身份冲突、从“异教徒”到“敌人”意象的相互构建及美欧耶路撒冷政策的博弈等.因此,进一步加强“耶路撒冷共识”的话语建设、在中东“四方机制”基础上加强巴以和解机制建设,以及在“劝和促谈”基础上构建中国式治理模式等均成为破解巴以和解政策困境的应因举措.     

高等教育自学考试评价机制的改革探讨

随着社会主义市场经济体制的逐步完善、学习型社会建设步伐的加快,现有高等教育自学考试制度困境凸显。生源危机、培养方式僵化、评价机制滞后等问题严重制约着自学考试教育事业的发展。文章对高等教育自学考试评价机制进行讨论。     

北京市城市生活垃圾分类政企合作机制

在垃圾治理过程中,政府与企业作为主要承担者,以合作的形式构建了良好的共治局面。本研究以北京市为例,研究了城市生活垃圾治理中政府与企业之间的合作机制,主要包括激励机制、监督机制、沟通机制,政府通过优惠政策、资金支持、福利待遇、技术研发等措施给予参与垃圾分类处理企业一定的激励,并通过正式与非正式的沟通进行交流,以法律标准为依据,从线上线下平台对相关企业进行监督管理,构建起了友好互动、高效协作的政企合作机制。当前,北京市垃圾分类治理政企合作机制建设还存在着法律规定不完善、分类投放监督难度大、政企目标不一、盈利模式不清晰、参与形式单一、政府权力过于集中等问题,应当从完善法律法规、落实监督考核制度、发挥市场竞争优势、建设服务导向政府、开辟多元参与方式、适当下放权力等方面加强建设。     

监理工程师执业环境分析及完善对策

经过20多年的市场经济体制改革,我国建设程序发生了关键性的变化,主要表现在实行了项目法人责任制、招投标制、监理制、合同制四个方面。现在监理制已逐步发展成为我国建设管理体制中的一项基本制度,应坚持和完善这一制度,继续深化对监理重要性的认识,提高监理工程师的社会地位和工作地位,使之摆脱监理行业存在的困境,进一步走上科学化、规范化、制度化的轨道,这是与国际接轨,融入国际建设大市场的客观要求。     

全球金融风险及中国的对策

当前,全球金融危机深层次影响正逐步显现,全球经济和金融体系的风险还在积聚,经济复苏的基础仍很脆弱,危机远远没有结束。在全球金融危机持续发酵的过程中,按照G20峰会确定的改革方向,金融稳定理事会、巴塞尔委员会等国际组织正共同努力推动金融监管改革,但金融体系长期积累的问题短期内难以消化,还需要全球政策制定者和监管当局加强政策协调,凝聚共识,在刺激经济增长和实施长期结构化改革之间寻求平衡。针对金融领域存在的风险隐患,中国为坚守不发生系统性和区域性金融风险的底线,必须完善相关配套政策,全面构建中国银行业的审慎监管体系。     

From consensus to credibility

The development of consensual science has greatly influenced the international environmental negotiation processes. This is not least the case for the Convention on Long‐range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP). Negotiators as well as regime analysts regard CLRTAP as a successful example of how scientists have succeeded in influencing international policy making through consensus‐building strategies. Drawing on Ulrich Beck's work on reflexive scientization and the concept of ‘stage management’ from the field of the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge (SSK), this paper critically analyzes the role of science in the regulation of transboundary air pollution. It discusses the consensus‐building strategies developed by scientists as well as contemporary strategies for making science matter in regulative work. It is argued that scientific credibility is crucial for attracting political and public attention, but that credibility does not necessarily have to be based on scientific consensus. The challenge for science is not so much to create consensus but to strengthen its credibility by elaborating new relations with its stakeholders.     

In the Long Run We Are all Dead: Hey Keynes, What Is Long in the Contemporary US Case?

The idea of declinism of the US had emerged in every decade after the World War Two and so it was as well after the end of the Cold War. The article argues that such a phenomenon may be attributed to the nature of the international system, where through the globalization the US enables ‘the rest’ to grow on its expense. China and other export led economies, made great benefit of the US open market that is functioning as a ‘big vacuum cleaner’. The focal question of article is two-folded: first, is ‘the raise of the rest’ causing the geoeconomic centre of power to shift from the Atlantic to Pacific; second, is the US in decline? Article presents economic data that show that there are no economic incentives for the geoeconomic shift. The geopolitical centre may indeed by shifting, but not due to the geoeconomic reasons, but rather due to military, political, and ideological power factors. The US has been in relative decline since the end of the WW2—other international actors seized the chance that the international system created by the US provided. Thus, the relevant question about declinism is—is the US in absolute decline? The article argues that the 2008 financial shock was not cyclical in nature, but rather systemic. It is the first time since the WW2 that the US was unable to answer to the challenge adequately. The main reason for that is not external, namely, the relative decline of the US—G8 was replaced by G20—but internal—the US is not tackling the core of its systemic economic problem. This suggests that the US is marching towards an absolute decline. To avoid its demise, the US has to change its Keynesian pragmatic short-sighted economic mentality and do the well needed structural reforms.     

Protecting and Benchmarking Migrants’ Rights: An Analysis of the Global Compact for Safe,Orderly and Regular Migration

The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) was to be “guided by human rights law and standards” in recognition of the rights of international migrants, who are currently protected by an overlapping patchwork of treaties and international law. The GCM contains many laudable commitments that, if implemented, will ensure that states more consistently respect, protect, and fulfil the rights of all migrants and also that states incorporate data on migration into a more cohesive governance regime that does more to promote cooperation on the issue of international migration. However, many concerns remain. Using a legal analysis and cross‐national policy data, we find that the GCM neither fully articulates existing law nor makes use of international consensus to expand the rights of migrants. In its first section, this article provides a concise analysis of the GCM's compliance with a set of core principles of existing international human rights law regarding migrants. In the second section, we apply a novel instrument to create an objective, cross‐national accounting of the laws protecting migrants’ rights in various national legal frameworks. Focusing on a sample of five diverse destination and sending countries, the results suggest we are close to an international consensus on the protection of a core set of migrants’ rights. This analysis should help prioritize the work necessary to implement the GCM.     

In search of making a difference: Mexico in the OECD international development co‐operation architecture

A major challenge for Middle‐Income Countries is to ‘make a difference’ in global issues. The article examines Mexico's compromise in this regard within the OECD international development co‐operation architecture. It highlights some of the footprints of Mexican diplomacy since the OECD membership (1994), through the Working Party on Aid Effectiveness, up to the launch of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co‐operation (GPEDC), demonstrating how Mexico gradually increased its profile and responsibilities in specific international negotiation frameworks where its dual nature as donor/recipient is precisely contributing to ‘making a difference’. Suggesting that Mexico could expand its South‐South Co‐operation (SSC) even further, the authors argue that Mexico's quest is constrained by a certain consensus on the predominant development paradigm manifested in the GPEDC.     

俄罗斯与伊斯兰会议组织的交往与合作

伊斯兰会议组织(OIC)是伊斯兰国家政府间国际政治组织,其目的是发展伊斯兰国家间的合作,其中包括统一各国在国际政治舞台上的立场。俄罗斯不是伊斯兰国家,也不是伊斯兰会议组织成员国,但这并不妨碍双方的交往与合作并成为观察员国。俄罗斯近年与伊斯兰会议组织交往十分密切,合作领域非常广泛,这有其深刻的国际国内原因和安全利益考量。     

International and Domestic Dimensions of Russia’s G8 Presidency in 2006

In 2006, as president of the Group of Eight (G8), Russia intended to increase its global status, respond to foreign criticism about its democratic credentials, and advance key policy positions. In determining whether these goals were met, the author examines six important issues that Russia’s G8 presidency covered, including its agenda items (global energy security, infectious diseases, and education), nuclear nonproliferation, counter-terrorism, and the crisis in the Middle East. Informed by international socialization theory, the author finds that the G8 presidency gave Russia a high-profile platform on which to assert its national interests and sovereignty. President Vladimir Putin showcased Russia’s strengths in various ways, ranging from symbolic images of its renewed grandeur to demonstrations of its independent policy line on energy security and rhetoric about its democratizing the G8 decision-making process. He also benefited from the fact that other G8 leaders did not publicly press him on issues related to Russia’s authoritarian backsliding. However, Russia’s achievements as G8 president were soon overshadowed by worsening relations with the United States and the European Union; by further restrictions on civil society; and by high-profile assassinations. The behaviour of Russian officials during 2006 indicates that international socialization was not taking place in any meaningful way beyond a display of diplomatic code (e.g., rhetoric on consensus-building).     

It's a long way to Auchterarder! 'Negotiated management' and mismanagement in the policing of G8 protests

Recent analyses of protest policing in Western democracies argue that there has been a marked shift away from oppressive or coercive approaches to an emphasis on consensus based negotiation. King and Waddington (2005) amongst others, however, suggest that the policing of international summits may be an exception to this rule. This paper examines protest policing in relation to the 2005 G8 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland. We argue that 'negotiated management' cannot be imported wholesale as a policing strategy. Rather it is mediated by local history, forms of police knowledge and modes of engagement. Drawing on interviews and participant observation we show that 'negotiated management' works best when both sides are committed to negotiation and that police stereotyping or protestor intransigence can lead to the escalation of any given event. In closing we note the new challenges posed by forms of 'global' protest and consider the implications for future policing of protest.     

The G20's engagement with civil society: participation without contestation?

ABSTRACT

With global governance experiencing a democratic deficit, the G20's formalized engagement with civil society – the C20 – seems to be an anomaly. However, there is a gap between the G20's rhetoric and practice, with the C20 incorporating civil society organizations (CSOs) into the G20, while also limiting their ability to contribute to its agenda. This article attempts make sense of this gap by analysing the C20 through the modes of participation framework, arguing it represents an attempt to organize and manage social conflicts emerging from civil society, but do so in a way that constrains its ability to contest G20 policy. The article analyses the ways in which the C20 is designed to do so, as well as CSO strategies to overcome these constraints. While these strategies increase CSO's leverage and independence, their effectiveness remains shaped by G20 practices and the underlying political economy structures of the global economy.     

阿拉伯媒体中的中国形象分析

作为软实力的重要组成部分,良好的国家形象有助于促进国际交流合作和发挥国际影响力,实现自身发展利益。基于此,本文选择2010年1月至2011年1月《金字塔报》、《利雅得报》和半岛电视台这三家阿拉伯世界具有代表性的媒体,以"中国崛起"和"人民币汇率"问题为考察点,解读中国在阿拉伯媒体中的国家形象及其形成过程,并阐述其形成的原因,最后提出了中国改善和加强国家形象构建的六点建议。