论当前中东剧变的国内因素及其国际影响

从2010年12月17日突尼斯失业青年布瓦吉吉自焚开始,一场席卷突尼斯全国的政治变革大潮迅速蔓延至中东几乎所有阿拉伯国家。这一突如其来的变化,预示着更为复杂的政治变革进程已经开始。从目前情况来看,各国表面上貌似群龙无首、组织松散的街头抗议,实质都是围绕着"变革"这一主题展开,大量失业青年成为这一"变革"的主要参与力量,而网络新媒体则扮演了推波助澜的角色。变革、青年和网络是中东各国目前政治剧变的三个关键因素,进一步认清三者的互动关系及其作用和影响,不仅可以更好地了解中东当前的政治发展进程,也对维护我国的国家安全和社会稳定,有着十分重要的现实意义。     

阿拉伯世界的图书情报服务

七八十年代,随着阿拉伯各国政治、经济的飞速崛起与发展,其图书情报事业也迈出了巨大步伐.70年代初,阿拉伯各国认识到建立阿拉伯图书情报服务网的必要性和重要性后,就建立数据库问题展开了一系列讨论.进入80年代,在开罗和突尼斯召开的发展阿拉     

资讯

阿拉伯的国家建设失败阿拉伯国家作为一块巨大的社会试验田出现的时间尚不足50年。在打着各种通常带有左倾民族主义色彩的政治旗号的同时,专制政权企图打破传统的社会结构,用国家制度取而代之。但到了穆巴拉克、卡扎菲和本·阿里当政吋,埃及、利比亚及突尼斯社会开始重新使川现代化以前的方式调解社会关系,西方称之为"腐败"。在这种情况下,阿拉伯人不明白为什么还需要官僚国家这种上层建     

阿拉伯非洲经济开发银行

阿拉伯非洲经济开发银行,是阿拉伯国家向非洲国家提供经济援助的一个专门机构。它是按照1973年10月在阿尔及利亚酋都阿尔及尔召开的阿拉伯国家首脑会议的决定,于1975年1月成立的。总部设在苏丹首都喀土穆。其成员国有沙特阿拉伯、利比亚、科威特、伊拉克、巴林、卡塔尔、阿尔及利亚、摩洛哥、阿曼、突尼斯、黎巴嫩、约旦、阿联酋、苏     

突尼斯的橄榄油

橄揽是突尼斯这片绿色乐土的吉祥果,是突尼斯人民财富的源泉,是和平、友爱、繁荣昌盛的象征。突尼斯的橄榄油出口在阿拉伯世界居首位,在世界上仅次于欧共体。     

阿拉伯人造卫星网

1982年11月震撼世界的阿拉伯人造卫星网工程计划已最后准备完毕,太空专家们规定1984年将发射两颗阿拉伯人造通讯卫星。该计划的实施将对整个阿拉伯民族产生重大的影响。发射人造卫星是阿拉伯人梦寐以求的愿望。1967年,阿拉伯各国新闻部长曾在突尼斯宾泽特市开会,酝酿建立一个     

当前阿拉伯革命态势分析

阿拉伯世界自2011年以来发生持续动荡，埃及、突尼斯、利比亚、叙利亚先后出现政局动荡甚至政局颠覆。当前阿拉伯世界的各种力量之间相互博弈，这将长期左右阿拉伯世界的政局。伊斯兰政治势力不断壮大，其极端思想及行为是阿拉伯世界政局动荡的重要影响力量，阿拉伯世界的青年人对政局不满，不断爆发大规模示威游行，处于边缘地位的工人阶级、世俗主义者与非政治民众对当前局势的态度也影响着阿拉伯地区的稳定。     

马格里布一体化的最早构想及其尝试

马格里布一体化的最早构想,始见于突尼斯前总统布尔吉巴提出的大马格里布计划。摩洛哥、突尼斯、阿尔及利亚、利比亚和毛里塔尼亚,5国地处北非,相互接壤,地理环境相似,有共同的宗教信仰,同属阿拉伯国家,绝大部分国民是阿拉伯人,讲阿拉伯语。地理、宗教信仰、人种和语言等因素为5国一体化奠定了坚实基础。 马格里布国家在政治统一,经济一体化方面所作的努力可分为3个阶段。     

奥格巴清真寺

凯鲁万城位于突尼斯中部,是突尼斯的第四大城市.也是伊斯兰教四大圣地之一,被称为马格里布伊斯兰教的首都。阿拉伯人经过三次远征,击溃了拜占庭军队之后,于公元670年建立了凯鲁万城。凯鲁万城内有清真寺100多座,它们都是具有很高艺术价值的建筑物,其中最有名的是奥格巴清真寺。它建造于公元680～695年,后经过     

巴黎阿拉伯电影节

1986年4月2日,阿拉伯电影协会组织在法国巴黎举办了第四届阿拉伯电影节。阿拉伯电影协会于1982年在法国成立,从1983到1985年已在巴黎举办了三届阿拉伯电影节。在巴黎举办阿拉伯电影节,目的是为法国观众放映最新阿拉伯优秀电影,评选阿拉伯最佳导演和演员。埃及陶菲格·萨利赫荣膺本届电影节最佳导演称号,获得本届电影节最佳女演员桂冠的是埃及女电影明星马吉黛。参加这届电影节的,有埃及、阿尔及利亚、伊拉克、突尼斯、黎巴嫩等阿     

How Terrorism Affects Attitudes toward Democracy: Tunisia in 2015

Tunisia is the only country that emerged from the Arab Spring as a democracy. However, Tunisian democracy is threatened by political divisions, economic problems, and the threat of terrorist attacks. We shed light on Tunisia's democratic prospects by examining (1) the degree to which major terrorist attacks in 2015 influenced Tunisian public opinion on democracy and (2) the extent to which preference for a democratic system affected opinions on the prospects for democracy in Tunisia. We use data from three waves of a nationwide survey conducted just before and just after Tunisia's first major terrorist attack, and just after the country's second major terrorist attack. We demonstrate that after the attacks the Tunisian public became less favourable toward democracy and less optimistic that Tunisia would soon be ready for it. Such scepticism was widespread, affecting people who preferred democracy as much as those who did not. We conclude that the prospects for Tunisian democracy are more precarious than is sometimes assumed.     

National Symbols and National Identity: Currency and Constructing Cosmopolitans in Tunisia

This article examines the imagery on Tunisian banknotes and its role in constructing a state-sponsored vision of Tunisian national identity. In addition to analyzing the currency itself, the article embeds the symbols used on the money in a social and historical context by looking at other public uses of the historical figures pictured and drawing on ethnographic work conducted in Tunisia. The article suggests that the banknotes must be seen as part of a larger discourse about the nature of Tunisian identity. In particular, this discourse focuses on Tunisia as a cosmopolitan nation that is open to the modern world and posits that this openness is rooted in its history. Although the currency suggests the co-presence of modernity and tradition, tradition is relegated to the rural margins while the urban centers are celebrated as the modern future. Beyond looking at the historical figures represented, the article examines historical absences. Most notably, there are no pre-modern Arab figures on the banknotes, which reflects an ambivalent relationship with an Arab identity. This ambivalence is also reflected in the usages of French and Arabic, which tend to naturalize French in a manner not found in other North African currency.     

突尼斯的旅游业与环保

突尼斯的地理位置和历史使其具有特色旅游资源，成为阿拉伯的重要旅游国家。突政府十分重视旅游业及相关产业与环保，制定了可持续发展的计划。     

Working on the Revolution in Bahrain: From the Mass Strike to Everyday Forms of Medical Provision

The 2011 Arab Spring uprising with the highest levels of popular support took place in Bahrain. This level of mobilization was due in part to the organizational capacity of trade unions and professional associations, and yet their role in the ‘near-revolution’ has received very little scholarly attention. In contrast to Egypt and Tunisia, where the official trade union federations played an ambiguous or even hostile role as workers began to organize strikes during the protests against Ben Ali and Mubarak, the official General Federation of Bahrain Trade Unions not only supported the protests against the Al Khalifa regime, but called for two general strikes. As significant as the strikes were, the work of unpaid volunteers constituted another less recognized, but equally important form of labor activism. Understanding the mass mobilization in Bahrain, and elsewhere, requires an encompassing approach to labor: one that can conceptualize equally the ability of collectivities to stop working, but also the ability to collectively continue to work, even on an unpaid basis. I will illustrate the contradictory role of the labor movement with examples from the Bahrain Teachers’ Association and the Bahrain Nursing Society. The majority of members of both associations were women. Finally, the Bahraini regime punished both forms of labor activism – both the teachers who went on strike, and the nurses who declared they would not strike but continue to work and care for the injured protesters.     

The Impact of the Removal of the Multi-Fiber Arrangements on Tunisian Textile and Clothing Exports

To evaluate the effect of the dismantling of the Multi-Fiber Arrangements on the Tunisian exporting textile and clothing sector, we divided the suppliers of the EU into three groups: local suppliers, constrained by the contingent, and non-constrained, among them figure Tunisia. In the same way, we used Armington’s technique, which consists in differentiating the products by country of origin. The results showed that with the abolition of the quotas, the second group succeeded in increasing its exported quantity by 50%, and attended an increase in value of 30% for its sales. On the contrary, the third group saw its exported quantities decreasing by 30%, and the value of its sales outside, by 16%. Tunisia belonging to the third group would see its share of market, which was ensured by the quotas decreasing appreciably. It would lose 16% of its exports in value, and 30% in quantity. The implications of the results for the Tunisian textile and clothing sector strategies are discussed.

Local mobilisations and the formation of environmental networks in a democratizing Tunisia

ABSTRACT

This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning the rise of the environmental networks during the period of transition (2011–2014). It details the mobilising strategies that were crucial for the networks’ growth or survival during this period of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders were able to bring together social and political actors from different backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian) structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution builds on interviews and observations, as well as documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013 and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective that highlights the interplay between micro- and macro-dynamics and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors’ capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.     

论阿里·哈迪清真寺的象征功能

阿里·哈迪清真寺的遭毁如同麦加禁寺罹难,开启了中东的潘多拉盒子,灾难与罪恶、丑闻与血腥、悲愤与绝望弥漫于巴格达的上空,伊拉克重建充满了更多的变数。阿里·哈迪清真寺遭毁所引发的一系列排他性暴力袭击,是逊尼派和什叶派之间矛盾激化的产物且销蚀了伊民众的国家认同意识,也将伊拉克问题升级为美国和伊朗之间政治交易的重要筹码,还使伊拉克成为美国反恐的主战场而将伊民众重建家国之梦碾为齑粉,更置美国于进退两难的尴尬境地,并使伊拉克重建前景令人堪忧。可见,阿里·哈迪清真寺的象征功能发挥了相当的现实效用。     

Between organization and spontaneity of protests: the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings

ABSTRACT

This paper investigates the role of social groups in mobilizing resources for protests in repressive contexts. In particular, it examines the impact of organizations and informal groups on individual engagement in the protests developed in 2010 in Tunisia and in 2011 in Egypt. The empirical analysis draws on the following data sources: the second wave of the Arab Barometer (2010–2011), two focus groups in Egypt conducted between 2011 and 2015 with members of trade unions and of Popular Committees who had participated in the 2011 protests in Egypt, eight semi-structured interviews conducted in 2017 to workers in Tunisia who had engaged in the 2010–2011 protests, and interviews conducted in January and February 2011 to 100 women in Tunisia within a study tackling police violence against women during the Tunisian uprisings.

Findings show that both in Egypt and Tunisia protests were neither spontaneous nor fully organized as formal organizations and informal and spontaneous groups strictly interconnected in sustaining protests. In Egypt, established Islamic charity networks provided the structural basis for Popular Committees to engage in the 2011 protests and the initially spontaneous workers’ groups, institutionalized through the legalization of EFITU, were crucial for national wide protests occurred throughout 2011. In Tunisia, the major trade union UGTT was essential for mobilizing workers in the initial stages of protests but was backed by informal and spontaneous groups of workers during the process of protest diffusion.

Results remark that the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings were therefore well-grounded on intermediate mobilizing structures capable to survive in the interstices of an authoritarian context. Findings suggest to consider that, in repressive context, spontaneous groups and more established and formal organizations continuously switch from one form to another, overlap, and transform themselves faster than they would do in democratic contexts.