The "Law of One Price" in 1901

Price dispersion in 1901 is analyzed using a unique U.S. government survey yielding retail prices for four products at more than 1500 stores nationwide. Three of these products are still sold today, allowing comparisons based on modern survey data. Despite the introduction of significant search cost-reducing technology during the intervening century, dispersion appears to be lower in 1901.     

论《一千零一夜》的权力观

权力观是以权力为中心的价值观,是判断民众与执政者关系的价值观。《一千零一夜》的一个重要主题就是宣扬“劝君施仁”的权力观,通过故事的铺展,描述了以国王们为代表的封建社会政治结构的基本权力特征,以及民众对统治者“权力”行使的思辨和诉求。其中要求实现“公正”的基本思想贯穿始终。     

论《一千零一夜》的权力观

权力观是以权力为中心的价值观,是判断民众与执政者关系的价值观.<一千零一夜>的一个重要主题就是宣扬劝君施仁的权力观,通过故事的铺展,描述了以国王们为代表的封建社会政治结构的基本权力特征,以及民众对统治者权力行使的思辨和诉求.其中要求实现公正的基本思想贯穿始终.     

On the Third Law of Demand

The Alchian and Allen theorem predicts that it will be harder to find "good" apples in the State of Washington, a prime apple-growing region, than in, say, New York City, where the addition of shipping charges makes "bad" apples comparatively more expensive. We recast the theorem as a testable proposition by explicitly taking the supply side into account and identifying plausible scenarios in which a fixed cost either has no effect on the relative prices of high and low quality grades of the same good in distant markets or, indeed, causes more of the bad apples to be shipped out.     

新经济社会学的价格理论论析

新经济社会学指出社会网络制约价格,价格是社会建构的产物,企业定价遵从产业内部已有的定价规则,而且价格具有多方面的象征含意。这些价格观点受到新经济社会学理论流派分隔的影响,并未融于一个完整的体系之中,彼此间相互区隔。社会建构主义的价格观、组织社会学的新制度主义的价格观有助于我们认识大宗商品的期货交易价格和新兴产业中定价体系的扩散。文化社会学的价格观认为价格呈现了商品的质量,还呈现了与商品有关的行动者的社会特征。这种定价观更适用于分析时装和奢侈品等消费品、艺术品以及所谓无价物品的定价问题。结构经济社会学家与经济学家在价格问题上进行了更密切的对话,致力于从嵌入性角度关注信任和互惠的期待等治理安排、信息的分布与传递,以此来把握交易成本和生产成本的变动。新经济社会学的各种价格理论有别于经济学的价格理论的共同之处在于:都强调引起商品价格变动的社会因素,力图修正或拓展经济学的价格理论。     

前景堪忧的巴勒斯坦内部和解

2009年4月,巴勒斯坦两大主流派别法塔赫与哈马斯在开罗举行的和解谈判未取得任何重大进展.哈马斯拒绝承认巴民族权力机构主席阿巴斯指定内阁的合法性.在当前局势下,巴和解缺乏内部和外部动力,本文试就巴内部和解现状及其制约因素进行探讨,并就巴未来组成民族联合政府的前景作出预测.     

前景堪忧的巴勒斯坦内部和解

2009年4月,巴勒斯坦两大主流派别法塔赫与哈马斯在开罗举行的和解谈判未取得任何重大进展。哈马斯拒绝承认巴民族权力机构主席阿巴斯指定内阁的合法性。在当前局势下,巴和解缺乏内部和外部动力,本文试就巴内部和解现状及其制约因素进行探讨,并就巴未来组成民族联合政府的前景作出预测。     

浅谈城市客车性能价格比

在考虑性价比时应与使用成本及维修成本相结合,这不单是经济意义上的比值,还应兼顾环保性及服务性等。必需采用新装备(如涡流缓速器)、新制造工艺(如低油耗、低排放发动机等)来提高性价比。     

浅析黎巴嫩内乱的历史根源

教派隔阂和教派政治、列强的争夺和外部势力的插手、殖民者的“分而治之”政策、阿以冲突和巴勒斯坦问题是黎巴嫩内乱的四大历史根源。它们是在漫长的历史中逐步形成并发挥作用的,且呈现出积重难返的态势。要彻底结束黎巴嫩的内乱局面,只有逐步实现四个目标:教派利益服从民族国家利益;排除外部势力的恶性干扰;建立平等友好的黎叙关系;实现黎以关系正常化并最终公正地解决巴勒斯坦问题。     

浅析黎巴嫩内乱的历史根源

教派隔阂和教派政治、列强的争夺和外部势力的插手、殖民者的"分而治之"政策、阿以冲突和巴勒斯坦问题是黎巴嫩内乱的四大历史根源.它们是在漫长的历史中逐步形成并发挥作用的,且呈现出积重难返的态势.要彻底结束黎巴嫩的内乱局面,只有逐步实现四个目标:教派利益服从民族国家利益;排除外部势力的恶性干扰;建立平等友好的黎叙关系;实现黎以关系正常化并最终公正地解决巴勒斯坦问题.     

五四百年,法青年学的探究

五四运动及稍早开始的法的转型,都是在近代中国对外失败、西风东渐的背景下发生,且相互关联。在中国现代化史上这两件大事中,青年是主体。学生特别是留学生、青年知识分子和现代职业的青年群体,是法的转型和五四运动的行动主体。他们以先行者、革命者、思想家、法学家(教授、学者)、传播者(记者)和司法官、律师等身份或角色,在中国现代化运动中,发挥了主导性作用。青年是整个社会力量中的一部分最积极、最有生气的力量。青年的先锋性或进步性、激情性、结群性及"代"的特征,不仅对推进法的转型及拓展法学研究有着重要的意义,也对思考五四百年后的民族复兴有着厚重的启示。     

Contradictions in the educational theory of Gintis and Bowles

Since its publication in 1976, Bowles and Gintis's Schooling in Capitalist America (hereinafter referred to as Schooling) has received a considerable amount of attention mostly from those sympathetic to its commitment, but critical of its economistic base/super-structure analysis. In ‘Contradiction and reproduction in educational theory’ Gintis and Bowles reply to the criticism of Schooling but limit their reply to a single question—their handling of contradictions within education and contradictions in the capitalist social formation resulting from the specific nature of the educational system. The article begins with a defence of ‘the correspondence principle’, continues with a formulation of sites and practices and concludes with an evaluation of the potential of liberal discourse.     

Contradictions of state socialism: the case of Poland*

This article originates from an invitation to give a paper at the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw m the Autumn of 1980. As then drafted, the paper consisted mainly of a discussion of the writings of selected Polish and British sociologists on the structure and workings of contemporary state-socialist societies, and it was my intention to revise it for submission to the Sociological Review as a sequel to, and commentary on, the article by Christopher G.A. Bryant published in the issue of February, 1980.¹ On return from Warsaw, I decided against doing so for two reasons: first, it seemed to me that the writings which I had taken as my starting-point were too remote from the actual course of events in Poland; second, I did not see how I could use the many informative conversations about those events which I had had with Polish sociologists and others in an academic journal article. On further reflection, however, I do not believe that either of these reasons should prevent my attempting to set out and justify my view of the implications for sociological theory of the Polish case, even though it is based in part on non-documentary sources and (more seriously) I lack the knowledge of the language which would give me direct access to the documentary ones. In what follows, accordingly, I first outline the framework within which the forms and distribution of power in state-socialist societies in general and Poland in particular can, in my view, best be analysed; I then set out in slightly more detail what I see as the reasons why events in Poland between 1956 and 1981 followed the course they did; and I conclude with a brief discussion of what I believe to be the principal weakness in the recent British sociological literature on state socialism insofar as it relates to the Polish case.     

Fight Club,or the Cultural Contradictions of Late Capitalism

Most critical engagement with the film Fight Club tends to emphasize its relevance for the study of contemporary representations of gender and masculinity. These readings tend to primarily highlight the “reactionary” aspects of the film, which are seen as a response to structural sources of feminization experienced by men as they are embedded in the consumerist machine of the service‐oriented economy. In this paper I argue that these takes on Fight Club, while enlightening and indeed capturing a key aspect, miss what I think is its most essential contribution: its attempt to craft a transcendental “counter‐myth” capable with dealing with the cultural and societal contradictions of post‐industrial capitalism in the context of the transition to a service oriented economy. I draw on the work of Daniel Bell in order to offer a neo‐Weberian reading of Fight Club which makes sense of various aspects of the film which are rendered meaningless by the gender‐focused reading. I argue that Fight Club can be seen as an attempt to deal with the evacuation and exhaustion of the original form of value‐rationality from the realm of production in service work — grounded in the older ethic of ascetic Protestantism — as well as the failure of ideological interpellation in the consumer society — grounded in a domesticated version of the experience‐based counter‐Bourgeois ethic associated with aesthetic modernism — to provide an adequate substitute for it. I conclude that Fight Club can therefore be interpreted as an inchoate attempt to produce some version of a class consciousness and cognitive mapping in the late‐capitalist situation.     

Access to Information and Internal Structures of Partisan Groups: Some Notes on the Iron Law of Oligarchy*

Michel's notion of the inevitable and ironic transformation of groups with egalitarian intent into groups with oligarchical practices is examined through an analysis of thirty-four role playing partisan groups. Each group is a triad with an extended shared history or a history of equality that comes with friendship. Each group differentiated itself by selecting a representative to confront another student who played the role of a university dean. In nineteen of the groups the constituents obtained a news report of the outcome of those negotiations independent of their representative's report. In the other fifteen groups the constituents had to depend on their representative's report. In those groups that relied solely on their representative's report, oligarchical interrelations emerged. This contrasts with the news report groups who maintained egalitarian relationships while developing a political standpoint toward each other, the opposition and the future. We conclude that Michels' statement on organizational oligarchy is illuminated further by a consideration of an emergent monopoly of knowledge.     

论法治视野下大学生爱国行为教育的定位

在法治社会,爱国行为教育既要从道德层面着手,又要重视法律视角的培育,还应强调两个维度的相互作用并统一于爱国主义政治原则之下。对大学生而言,政治正确是爱国行为教育的原则,理性爱国是爱国行为教育的基调,依法爱国是爱国行为教育的界限,德法互动是爱国行为教育的规律。