The Human Capital Characteristics and Household Living Standards of Returning International Migrants in Eastern and Southern Africa

Africa’s experience with return migration is not new. However, few empirical studies have examined the social and economic characteristics of returning migrants within the continent. In this study, the human capital endowments and household living standards of returning migrants in Uganda and South Africa are examined using recently available data. The study compares returnees in both countries with immigrants as well as the native‐born population with no international migration experience. It also investigates how factors such as previous country of residence, year of arrival, and other demographic factors predict levels of education and living standards among returning migrants. In Uganda, the results show that recently arrived returning migrants had better educational endowments than both immigrants and non‐migrants. Migrants who returned to Uganda following the fall of Idi Amin’s regime had the lowest educational levels and lowest living standards compared to other returnees. Furthermore, the results indicate that previous residence in countries in the West was associated with four additional years of schooling while returning migrants arriving from other African countries had the lowest levels of schooling among returning migrants. In South Africa, the study finds that returnees arriving almost immediately following the end of Apartheid had the highest levels of education compared to either immigrants or non‐migrants. Returnees on average also had the highest household living standards in South Africa. Among South African immigrants, the results indicate that those arriving towards the end of the century had lower educational endowments compared to immigrants who arrived in the country two to four years after the end of Apartheid.     

Measures to facilitate the reintegration of returning migrants into their countries of origin

Migration movements are presently a worldwide phenomenon; all groups of migrant workers, regardless of their origin or generation, have common problems. Return migrants' problems and their solution concern the emigration countries as well as the immigration countries. 3 proposals for an integrated approach to solving return migrants' problems follow. 1) Provide general assistance to the returning migrants. a) Statistical information about migrants and causes of their return should be gathered. b) Job placement assistance should be available to the returnees. c) Migrants should be assisted with travel and removal expenses. d) Their children's education should be facilitated by education in their mother tongue, travel to the home country during vacations, readaptation courses, and acceptance of diplomas and certificates obtained abroad. e) All emigration countries should accept a simplified and extended form of second retirement program to protect emigrants' social security rights. 2) Provide vocational training and readaptation. a) Home countries should seek ways to profit from the skill and knowledge returning migrant workers offer. b) Young skilled returnees should be employed as teachers and trainers. c) Vocational training centers should be developed and maintained. d) Course certificates obtained abroad should be accepted in the home country. 3) Create new job opportunities for returnees. a) Small businesses and grants to start private businesses should be encouraged. b) Technical and financial assistance should be provided to workers' companies. c) Migrant workers' savings should be directed to areas that are productive and that create employment possibilities. d) Possible return migration may be facilitated by issuing shares in investment projects with preferences, guaranteeing exchange rates, allowing accounts in foreign currencies, issuing government bonds with preferences, developing special aid funds for housing schemes, guaranteeing migrant workers' enterprises, and by offering returning migrants the option to buy shares in companies against foreign currency.     

New migration policies in Europe: the return of labor migrants,remigration promotion and reintegration policies

On the basis of the working papers presented at t conference, new information on the subject of return migration in Europe and conclusions on the effectiveness of policies to promote remigration were discussed aiming to stimulate further research on this subject. Mainly 3 findings resulted from the discussions. 1) On the subject of promoting remigration, the effects of the law to encourage voluntary return to home countries from the Federal Republic of Germany have remained far below expectations. 2) Concerning effects of the migration policies on the foreign residents in the host countries, it was stated that these prevent a clear definition of their status by the foreigners themselves, because they obscure the decision whether to stay or leave the host country. Especially regarding the increasingly critical attitude of the population of the host country towards the guest workers, a growing insecurity of the foreigners must be noted, which has led recently to overhasty emigration decisions with alarming economic and social results for those affected. 3) Concerning possibilities for international cooperation on return migration, it was stated that the indirect instruments of promoting return have shown little success. On the other hand, direct promotion by means of financial incentives is to be rejected because of its mainly negative side effects on the expectations of the labor migrants and also on those of the indigenous population. New and promising approaches to remigration policy must consider the economic and social interests of the countries of origin and improve their economic, political, and administrative capacities.     

Problems confronting migrants and members of their families when they return to their country of origin

The problems which migrants and their families face when they return to their own country arise from the personal circumstances of the individuals themselves as well as the characteristics of both the country of origin and the host country. A great variety of conflicts can arise during reintegration and the interrelation between them is complex. Nevertheless, some problems occur more frequently than others; a number of the most common include the following: 1) reintegrating the return migrant into the labor force is very difficult, particularly when unemployment is a problem in his homeland. 2) Degrees earned abroad often do not transfer from one high school or university to another at the same academic level. 3) Most returning migrant workers lose their retirement benefits acquired during the period of emigration because of no social security convention between the countries concerned. 4) Patriotic feelings and ties to family and friends lead the migrant to gloss over the real problems he faces. 5) Migrant children commonly face problems related to education because of differences between languages, teaching contents, and educational methods practiced in the two countries. Recommendations to relieve these and other problems migrants face upon reintegration include: 1) efforts should be made to orient return migration when jobs are available; 2) cultural agreements allowing recognition of studies and accreditation of degrees and diplomas should be promoted; 3) social security conventions between countries should be extended to include the transfer of benefits and recognition of years of work; 4) priority should be given to educational problems faced by migrant children with a dual sociocultural identity; and 5) assistance should be given to countries in carrying out empirical studies on reintegration problems and measures to solve them.     

The return of international labour migrants in the ESCAP Region

The social phenomenon of massive temporary international labor migration from the ESCAP region has emerged extremely rapidly. Within 10 years, the number of persons from ESCAP countries grew from a negligible one to 3.5 million. Related research and government policies have lagged behind this latest surge in migration. Most research conducted has been small-scale and lacks an analytical or theoretical framework. Policy formulation for temporary labor migration is difficult because most of the rapid growth in the industry has occurred as a result of private efforts, with a minimum of government intervention. It is now difficult, for the government to provide effective regulations or measures to stimulate and assist the process. Regulations on compulsory remittances or overseas minimum wages have proved to be unrealistic and, if not rescinded, are routinely circumvented. The most effective policies to assist return migrants may not be those which are intended to do so, but those which control the earlier stages of the migration process, such as recruitment, working conditions, and banking arrangements. The most valuable policies may also include those affecting education, training, employment, and general socioeconomic growth. Governments are recommended to provide social services for migrants and their families who are experiencing problems, and to institute community programs in areas with a large number of labor migrants. Governmental efforts to promote forms of labor migration beneficial to the workers would be valuable and should include measures to identify overseas labor markets for employing its nationals, government ot government labor contracts, and government participation in joint-venture projects. International migration should be analyzed in the context of theories and social change in order for governments to formulate effective measures for the reintegration of returning workers. Labor migration on the current scale has many social implications for the sending countries; relationships between employers and employees, the government and private sectors, and white and blue collar workers are affected. Social change and technological innovation will become more rapid, women's status and family roles will change markedly, and behavior is likely to become less conformist and more individualistic.     

The case of Asian migrants to the Gulf Region

International migration from Asia to the Gulf Region is desirable and has benefited both individuals and the countries. At the individual level, migrants benefit economically and socially. They earn more income and are able to improve the quality of life of their family members when they return home. Although there are cases of negative impacts of international migration, such as fraud and corruption, as well as broken homes and extravagance, in general most migrants benefit and the experiences are worthwhile. Available data indicate that there are occupational shifts, a change in attitude towards community life, the world situation, and attainment of goals. At the national level, international migration has brought in foreign exchange and helped reduce unemployment. In addition to facilitating and making the pre-migration phase as easy as possible, activities of government during migration and post-migration phases are also required if the government is truly to promote international migration. Establishment of the post of Labor Attache in embassies will support migrants while they work abroad by providing services and moral support, thus making adjustment in host countries easier. Upon returning home, the government can provide consulting services to returnees on investment possibilities and may be able to tap resources form returnees for overall development. Granted that returnees are ordinary people with not much savings, remittances in foreign currency sent home have reduced financial difficulties in the home country. International migration is seen by the author as a rite-of-passage. This is an activity or an educational experience which happens once or twice in a lifetime and is not repeated. There must be a revolving system where young people migrate to work, gain experience, earn extra income, and return to settle down, bringing with them the benefits gained while working abroad. Data collected from this study show negative social impacts, especially when migration covers a long period in one's lifetime. In promoting international migration, the government therefore has to help returnees settle down and treat international migration as an educational experience.     

Young migrants of the second generation in Europe: education and labour market insertion prospects

This paper compares the situation of second generation migrants in employing European nations with first generation migrants in the countries of origin. The study focuses on intergenerational changes in employment, unemployment, and further migration. High rates of failure, underachievement, and non-attendance are often found among migrant school children. Girls and boys show high occupational aspirations from age 10-14, but more realistic aspirations by their last year of school. Although vocational training interests many young foreigners, they usually do not get enough training to compete successfully in the labor market. Unemployment affects young foreigners more, and their employment is more unstable, unskilled, and without advancement. Indecision dominates their attitudes about return migration. The country of origin usually cannot provide employment, especially for women, and the longer young migrants have been in employing nations, the less likely they are to want to leave. Difficulty in migrating and the parental desire for superior schooling also limit return migration. On return, migrants 1) experience no continuity of employment or promotion, 2) often find that the skills they have acquired are not valued, 3) must use parallel labor market and cottage industry work to find employment, 4) find that, especially for women and young workers, the unstable employment experienced abroad also affects them on return, 5) find temporary employment or have difficulty in obtaining a job, 6) find both positive and negative views are held by employers concerning them, 7) find that family and connections are the primary means for finding jobs, and 8) discover return migration may not be an end since many second generation migrants will re-migrate for economic and social reasons. School performance, language mastery, social integration and access to training plague migrants and young nationals of similar socioeconomic background. They are unprepared to succeed in the new country and experience conflict of aspirations. First and second generation return migrants experience great frustration, since employment conditions are poor, and may be forced to migrate to a third country.     

Gender and rural-urban migration in China

Many men and women in China are migrating in search of better economic opportunities. Young women who migrate to urban centers in search of opportunity may stay away from their home villages for several years. At some point, however, they are likely to return home. This article considers the effect which such circular migration is having upon gender relations in China. The author's argument is presented in sections on China's 1990 census, migration and the sexual division of labor, migration and child care, the influence of returning migrants, the influence of young female returnees, and the fertility of returnees. She speculates that the demands and expectations of young women who return to their villages after spending some time earning high wages in urban areas will be affected by urban norms. While their return may lead to initial conflict, it is likely that the women will retain greater personal autonomy from their urban experience. Their return is also likely to lead to a higher degree of material consumption in the rural areas. Present circular migration in China has the potential to return human and financial resources to the villages, thereby helping to prevent the urban-rural gap between economic, social, cultural, and educational factors from growing even wider.     

Migration Dynamics,Entrepreneurship, and African Development: Lessons from Malawi

Using data from Malawi, this study situates the discourse on migration, entrepreneurship, and development within the context of Africa's social realities. It examines self‐employment differences among three groups of migrants and corresponding group differences in agricultural and non‐agricultural self‐employment. International migrants are found to be more engaged in self‐employment than internal migrants. However, our results suggest that previous findings on the development‐related contributions of returning migrants from the West need to be appropriately contextualized. When returnees from the West invest in self‐employment, they typically shy away from Africa's largest economic sector – agriculture. In contrast, levels of self‐employment, especially in agricultural self‐employment, are highest among returning migrants and immigrants from other African countries, especially from those nearby. We also underscore the gendered dimensions of migrants’ contribution to African development by demonstrating that female migrants are more likely to be self‐employed in agriculture than male migrants. Furthermore, as human‐capital increases, migrants are more likely to concentrate their self‐employment activities in non‐agricultural activities and not in the agricultural sector. The study concludes using these findings to discuss key implications for policy and future research.     

Maternal attitudes of Greek migrant women

This study examines groups of Greek migrant mothers and their attitudes towards their children in different stages of the migratory process. There were 2 lots of samples of Greek migrants mothers who had at least 2 children 8-10 years old, 1 from the home country (5 villages of the District Drama in East Macedonia) and 1 from the receiving country (the area of Baden-Wurtenberg, where most of the migrants from East Macedonia are living). The 4 groups are: 1) 20 mothers who have always lived with their child in the host country; 2) 20 mothers who live in the host country where their child has joined them in the last 2-4 years; 3) 27 mothers who have lived in the host country with their child and have returned home in the last 2-4 years; and 4) 24 non-migrant mothers who have always lived with their families in the home country (control group). Women were interviewed using 2 questionnaires: a survey and an attitude questionnaire. The range of mothers' ages was 20-50 years. The youngest mothers were in the control group whereas group 1 mothers were the oldest. Groups 1 and 2 were mostly unskilled workers; groups 3 and 4 were mostly housewives. The returnees stayed in the host country a mean of 10 years, whereas the other 2 migrant groups were there 14.6 years. There were significantly fewer children in the families of groups 1 and 2 than 3 and 4. The attitude questionnaire covered the following child rearing practices: 1) training the child to participate in home duties; 2) keeping clean and tidy; 3) self-reliance and social behavior towards visitors; 4) ways of dealing with a child's obedience/disobedience; 5) dealing with favor-seeking behavior, food, and sleeping problems; and 6) mother's degree of permissiveness, supervision, and intervention on child's personal and interpersonal sphere of life. Findings show that moving from home to host country and coming back home creates the most controlling mothers, probably because mothers and children face anxiety-producing situations as they redefine family roles and readjust to the social environment. Returnees are as emotionally involved with their children as mothers who have always lived with their children in the host country. There are more similarities than differences between the 2 migrant groups. Both groups show similar attitudes to the control on 5 out of 7 composite variables. These findings suggest there is a strong cultural pattern in maternal attitudes which has not been affected by the sociocultural environment. The 2 groups of migrant mothers are similar to the returnees in their attitudes towards boys and girls except that returnees were more overprotective of boys than girls.     

Transnational social protection infrastructures: African migrants in Mexico

In the past years, increasingly restrictive migration policies have pushed many migrants to seek new and more risky migration routes. Many studies have investigated aspects of social protection for migrants from the Global South in industrialized countries of the Global North, with powerful welfare states. Yet, such focus has failed to understand the complexities during the migration process, where people often spend uncertain periods of time in transit countries and the state is frequently absent. In these contexts, social protection is predominantly provided by the third sector (TS) and informal networks both nationally and transnationally. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted with African migrants and TS organizations in Mexico, this paper explores the different and often semi-formal relationships between the TS, the state, and the migrants that result in complex transnational social protection infrastructures to cover the migrants' basic social protection needs.     

The meaning,modalities and consequences of return migration

Return migration and its consequences has attracted increasing attention since Western European countries adopted policies in the mid 1970s to stop the inflow of foreign workers and to promote reintegration of emigrants. This paper explores the definition of return migration, discusses the different contexts in which return migration arises, and points out the many gaps that exist in understanding return migration and its consequences. The report concludes that there is no consensus on the definition of return migration; future advances in its analysis and measurement depend on the availability of specific criteria to distinguish return movements from other migration taking place in the world today. Also, relatively little attention has been devoted to return flows of migrants in developing countries due to paucity of information and fluidity of some of the movements involved. Yet another area for concern is the lack of information pertaining to female emigrants. Some recommendations that may lead to the eventual satisfaction of these needs include: 1) defining returnees as persons who, having the nationality of the country that they are entering, have spent at least one year abroad and have returned with the intention of staying at least one year in the country of their nationality; 2) having coontries with important emigration flows monitor return migration by gathering and publishing information on returning migrants; 3) giving particular attention to the problems faced by female returnees and adopting measures to ensure equal aid to males and females; 4) studying and monitoring the consequences of return migration on whole families instead of on only certain members of the family; 5) monitoring the consequences of sizeable repatriation flows, giving particular attention to the success of reintegration programs; 6) developing novel methods to monitor and study the impact of return flows of emigrants whose situation in the receiving state was irregular.     

International Labour Migrants' Return to Meiji-era Yamaguchi and Hiroshima: Economic and Social Effects

International labour migration from Meiji era (1868–1912) Japan was intensely concentrated: over 60 per cent of the 29,000 participants in the government-managed Hawai'i emigration programme ( kan'yaku imin , 1885–1894) came from seven coastal counties around the Hiroshima-Yamaguchi prefectural border in southwest Japan. Almost half of the emigrants became long-term settlers instead of returning to their hometowns, but this paper examines what happened to returning emigrants and to their home communities. Since the migration was primarily economic in nature, the effect of migrant earnings was carefully monitored and is frequently cited by scholars. Surveys showed high rates of debt repayment and savings, and improved living conditions, but investment and entrepreneurship were limited. High-emigration regions rarely became economic centers of any importance. Less carefully studied are non-economic effects, partially because the labour programme was structured to minimize contact with Hawaiian or Caucasian culture, and thus returnees had little cultural experience to transfer to their hometowns. Local officials in Yamaguchi seemed proud of the lack of social change. Even long-term sojourners, who returned due to family needs after a decade or more overseas, exhibited no readjustment difficulties. Returnees, particularly in Yamaguchi, sometimes moved on to Japanese colonial territories, creating multilateral and complex relationships with overseas communities. This sojourning migration, like contemporary analogs, was a powerful form of poverty relief in the midst of dislocating globalization, but did not produce a rise in entrepreneurship or a Westernization of local culture. Because this sojourning migration was structurally similar to our modern-day patterns, it provides evidence of the longevity of those patterns and the possible long-term effects, and raises questions about our expectations for migration policy.     

Gender,class, and network: social structure and migration patterns among transnational Israelis

A growing body of research and theorising explores the experience of groups who maintain ties to multiple nations. However, this research often overemphasizes the fluidity and freedom available to migrants and neglects the differential access to networks available to co‐nationals who vary in their class, ethnic, gender and affiliational characteristics. Drawing on fieldwork and in‐depth interviews with Israeli migrants in the USA and Britain, and returnees in Israel, this study considers how social characteristics and settlement contexts shape access to the networks through which migrants acquire resources and information. Findings suggest that highly educated Israelis of European origins often maintain distinct social networks from their less educated and Middle Eastern or North African co‐nationals. Further, middle‐class Israelis have greater legal and economic access to migration and return than those with less human and financial capital. Israeli men and single women often prefer life abroad, while married women, especially those with children, wish to return. Finally, destinations influence migrants’ relations with the country of origin: Los Angeles fosters greater assimilation than London. In conclusion, because Israeli migrants are a diverse population, they maintain multiple networks and exhibit dissimilar patterns of connection to both the country of origin and places of destination.     

Back to Square One: Socioeconomic Integration of Deported Migrants

This paper addresses the issue of socioeconomic integration of forced return migrants, focusing on the Maghreb countries. Starting from the hypothesis that the return has to be prepared, I tested whether a disruption in the migration cycle (such as deportation) increases the individual's vulnerability and affects his integration from both a structural and sociocultural point of view, using the 2006 Migration de Retour au Maghreb (MIREM, or Return Migration to the Maghreb) survey. I found that forced returnees are more vulnerable to negative labor market outcomes compared to voluntary returnees. The absence of forced returnees from the labor market, or their underperformances, creates a net loss for the origin country and also incentives to re‐migrate. The negative effect is statistically significant not only immediately after return, but also in the long run, at survey time. Forced return is also significantly and negatively correlated with sociocultural integration, reflecting a marginalization of deported migrants in their home environment, which may act as a re‐emigration incentive.     

Economic implications of migration into the Federal Republic of Germany, 1988-1992

"An analysis of the effects of the last wave of migration into West Germany on labor markets, public finances and economic growth, this study points at the often ignored fact that the migrants were rather successful in finding jobs and thus helped in eliminating labor shortages in certain industries. Simulations with a macroeconometric model for the FRG indicate that in 1992 the GDP was almost 6 percent higher than without migration, that 90,000 jobs were created and that migration created a surplus of DM14 billion in the public sector, compared to the baseline. This study also makes clear, however, that these effects mainly depend on a quick absorption of migrants by FRG labor markets, and as to the social system, the relief may be only transitory."     

Social effects of migration in receiving countries

This paper examines the impact of post-1945 migration into Western, Middle, and Northern Europe from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, and migration to the traditional immigration countries by Asian and Latin American immigrants, on the social structures of receiving countries. Between 1955 and 1974, 1) traditional migration to the US and Australia became less important for European countries while traditional receiving countries accepted many immigrants from developing countries; and 2) rapid economic revival in Western and Northern Europe caused a considerable labor shortage which was filled by migrant workers especially from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, who stayed only until they reached their economic goals. Since 1974, job vacancies have declined and unemployment has soared. This employment crisis caused some migrants 1) to return to their countries of origin, 2) to bring the rest of their families to the receiving country, or 3) to lengthen their stay considerably. The number of refugees has also significantly increased since the mid-970s, as has the number of illegal migrants. After the mid-1970s, Europe began to experience integration problems. The different aspects of the impact of migration on social structures include 1) improvement of the housing situation for foreigners, 2) teaching migrants the language of the receiving country, 3) solving the unemployment problem of unskilled migrants, 4) improvement of educational and vocational qualifications of 2nd generation migrants, 5) development of programs to help unemployed wives of migrants to learn the language and meet indigenous women, 6) encouraging migrants to maintain their cultural identity and assisting them with reintegration if they return to their original country, 7) coping with the problems of refugees, and 8) solving the problems of illegal migration. Almost all receiving countries now severely restrict further immigration. [Those policies should result in improved development of aid policies towards sending countries. Immigration from other countries to those of the European Economic community should be limited to that for humanitarian reasons.     

Reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin

This research note briefly outlines International Labour Organization concerns about return migration in developing countries, research being done in the field, and activities in related fields. Attention is being focused on the following topics and areas of study: 1) recommendations and conventions which cover workers generally and migrant workers particularly; 2) measures to avoid the departure of skilled workers from developing countries; 3) special problems encountered in improving migrant professionals' working conditions; 4) developing a central pool of information on labor markets and employment at the international level; 5) bilateral or multilateral migration agreements to optimize the flows of health personnel, scientific workers, engineers, and high level technicians, protecting their rights, and facilitating their reintegration into the country of origin; 6) creating a compensation scheme for skill outflows and training substitutes to fill the gaps left behind by migration; 7) classifying migratory policies adopted by developing countries; 8) reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin; 9) transfer of know-how through expatriate nationals; 10) labor reinsertion patterns of migrants returning to Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain; 11) Socioeconomic reintegration of migrants returning to Pakistan and Uruguay; and 12) Sri Lanka's experience with self-employment schemes for returned migrants.     

Return Migration in Africa and the Relationship between Educational Attainment and Labor Market Success: Evidence from Uganda

The return migration of skilled professionals has been suggested as a policy instrument suitable for reversing the large‐scale emigration of skilled professionals from African countries. However, there are no empirical studies showing how migrant professionals from Africa are reintegrated into the labor market after they return. This study examines the relationship between educational attainment and the likelihood of employment among native‐born African migrants returning home from abroad. The study focuses on the evidence from Uganda since this country has one of the longest histories of skilled migration in Africa. The results show that returning migrants with university degrees and vocational credentials are more likely to be employed than their nonmigrant and immigrant counterparts. However, this employment advantage was not observed among returning migrants with secondary schooling or below. Furthermore, the results show that returning migrants are generally more likely to be employed as district employment rates increase.