Return Migration and Transnationalism: How Are the Two Connected?

Return migration and migrant transnationalism are key phenomena in research on international migration. Here we examine how the two are connected. The article introduces a special section and draws partly upon this selection of papers and partly upon the broader literature. First, we argue that there is often a blurred boundary between mobility as a transnational practice, for instance in the form of return visits, and purportedly permanent or long‐term return migration. Second, we examine the effects of transnationalism on return migration intentions and experiences. Third, we explore how migration trajectories, involving various forms of ‘return’ moves, create different forms of transnationalism. Examples include the ‘reverse transnational’ practices of returnees and the ‘residual transnationalism’ of migrants who have had an unsuccessful return experience and decided to settle permanently abroad. We end by considering how both return migration and transnationalism exist in the interplay between the personal and the social.     

Measures to facilitate the reintegration of returning migrants into their countries of origin

Migration movements are presently a worldwide phenomenon; all groups of migrant workers, regardless of their origin or generation, have common problems. Return migrants' problems and their solution concern the emigration countries as well as the immigration countries. 3 proposals for an integrated approach to solving return migrants' problems follow. 1) Provide general assistance to the returning migrants. a) Statistical information about migrants and causes of their return should be gathered. b) Job placement assistance should be available to the returnees. c) Migrants should be assisted with travel and removal expenses. d) Their children's education should be facilitated by education in their mother tongue, travel to the home country during vacations, readaptation courses, and acceptance of diplomas and certificates obtained abroad. e) All emigration countries should accept a simplified and extended form of second retirement program to protect emigrants' social security rights. 2) Provide vocational training and readaptation. a) Home countries should seek ways to profit from the skill and knowledge returning migrant workers offer. b) Young skilled returnees should be employed as teachers and trainers. c) Vocational training centers should be developed and maintained. d) Course certificates obtained abroad should be accepted in the home country. 3) Create new job opportunities for returnees. a) Small businesses and grants to start private businesses should be encouraged. b) Technical and financial assistance should be provided to workers' companies. c) Migrant workers' savings should be directed to areas that are productive and that create employment possibilities. d) Possible return migration may be facilitated by issuing shares in investment projects with preferences, guaranteeing exchange rates, allowing accounts in foreign currencies, issuing government bonds with preferences, developing special aid funds for housing schemes, guaranteeing migrant workers' enterprises, and by offering returning migrants the option to buy shares in companies against foreign currency.     

Benefits of migration as a personal strategy in Nazare, Portugal

"This article analyzes the causes, patterns and results of involvement in international wage labor migration for Nazare, a Portuguese fishing village and tourist resort. Some migrate permanently, others return to invest locally, and yet others only work abroad part of each year. Data indicate that international migration is a successful strategy for coping with a restrictive local opportunity structure. International migrants have more income, savings, capital goods, consumer goods and automobiles than non-migrants or those who only migrate within Portugal."     

Post‐return experiences and transnational belonging of return migrants: a Dutch—Moroccan case study

In this article we explore the links between return migration, belonging and transnationalism among migrants who returned from the Netherlands to northeast Morocco. While transnationalism is commonly discussed from the perspective of a receiving country, this study shows that transnationalism also plays a vital role in reconstructing post‐return belonging. Return migration is not simply a matter of ‘going home’, as feelings of belonging need to be renegotiated upon return. While returnees generally feel a strong need to maintain various transnational practices, the meanings they attach to these practices depend on motivations for return, gender and age. For former (male) labour migrants, transnational practices are essential for establishing post‐return belonging, whereas such practices are less important for their spouses. Those who returned as children generally feel uprooted, notwithstanding the transnational practices they maintain. The amount of agency migrants are able to exert in the return decision‐making process is a key factor in determining the extent to which returnees can create a post‐return transnational sense of home.     

Double Return Migration: Failed Returns to Poland Leading to Settlement Abroad and New Transnational Strategies

Many Poles who have arrived in the UK since EU accession show signs of settling. Often (especially for families with school‐age children) this is a gradual process. Other Poles have returned to Poland, but Poland currently seems to be having problems keeping its return migrants. Many go back only to depart again. This article focuses on why some returnees change their minds and decide to make a long‐term home abroad. It explores the implications of this decision for transnational practices and identities. It argues that often the key objective is stability. Choosing to settle abroad in the hope of a stable life, returnees attempt to live less split lives. While maintaining certain transnational practices, they scale down others, such as return visits to Poland and keeping well‐informed about Polish current events. Simultaneously, they make a decisive effort to integrate into the regular UK labour and housing markets.     

Return Migration by German Guestworkers: Neoclassical versus New Economic Theories

Neoclassical economics and the new economics of labour migration posit very different motivations for international migration. The former assumes that people move abroad permanently to maximize lifetime earnings whereas the latter assumes they leave temporarily to overcome market deficiencies at home. As a result, the two models yield very different conceptualizations of return migration. We draw upon each theoretical model to derive predictions about how different variables are likely to influence the probability of return migration. We use data from the German Socio–economic Panel to test specific hypotheses derived from each model. Finding some support for both perspectives, we suggest that migrants may be heterogeneous with respect to their migratory motivations. If so, then parameters associated with the determinants of return migration in any population of international migration will reflect a blending of parameters associated with two distinct economic rationales. Equations estimated separately for remitting and non–remitting migrants lend support to this interpretation, meaning there may not be one unitary process of return migration, but several.     

Going home: migration careers of southern Nigerians

Using data on the career migration histories of 533 residents (over 60 years old) of 3 southern Nigerian cities and 471 residents (over 60 years old) of 21 villages within 30 km of these cities, this study compares nonmigrants, returnees, and immigrants on educational and occupational background and ages at 1st and last migration. Findings show that 1) a large majority intend to return home, but many never do; 2) the majority of returnees go home before retirement; 3) migrants over age 65, and especially over age 75, are unlikely to return home; 4) as education and opportunities expand, it is likely that the majority of present cohorts of migrants will spend most of their working lives away from home; 5) economic success may be used to build a house in the city to which one has migrated or to retire in one's home village; 6) most Nigerians look forward to self-employment which facilitates migration and a return home; 7) more widespread wage-employment, with compulsory retirement at age 60, may greatly change the age pattern of returns; and 8) automatic village care is declining as a large proportion of villagers spend their mature years away and those who remain behind may be unable to cope with the increasing number of old people, returnees, and nonmigrants; thus, movement to towns in old age is increasing, especially among women.     

How Successful are Highly Qualified Return Migrants in the Lithuanian Labour Market?

This article analyses whether the human capital gained abroad helps returning migrants to integrate into the Lithuanian labour market. The analysis focuses on highly qualified migrants, defined narrowly as people with higher education who held qualified jobs when working abroad. The article found that for this group of returnees professional aims were important when taking a decision to return, together with other motives such as family reasons and home‐sickness. Most of the returnees were able to find employment and pursue their careers without major difficulties, although a significant minority signalled an intention to emigrate again. The article examines the key factors that sometimes helped and sometimes hindered integration of the returnees and discusses the role of the public policy.     

Reintegration upon return: insights from Ecuadorian returnees from Spain

Using the ECM2 survey data on Ecuadorian migrants returning from Spain, we investigate the determinants of reintegration upon return. We study how the migration experience, but also the before‐ and after‐migration characteristics, correlate with migrants’ outcomes upon return. We adopt a broad conception of reintegration, considering jointly labour market‐related outcomes that proxy for structural reintegration and subjective indicators that provide insights on sociocultural reintegration. The determinants of these two types of outcomes appear to be different: reintegration indeed encompasses multiple dimensions which cannot be captured by a single indicator. Our results suggest that return assistance programmes’ efficiency in helping reintegration could be improved by (I) targeting, ex‐ante, returnees who plan to launch their own business, and, ex‐post, the most vulnerable workers (women, older returnees, unemployed), and (ii) facilitating the labour market integration of foreign‐educated returnees. They also call for further research to better understand the consequences of these programmes.     

The Human Capital Characteristics and Household Living Standards of Returning International Migrants in Eastern and Southern Africa

Africa’s experience with return migration is not new. However, few empirical studies have examined the social and economic characteristics of returning migrants within the continent. In this study, the human capital endowments and household living standards of returning migrants in Uganda and South Africa are examined using recently available data. The study compares returnees in both countries with immigrants as well as the native‐born population with no international migration experience. It also investigates how factors such as previous country of residence, year of arrival, and other demographic factors predict levels of education and living standards among returning migrants. In Uganda, the results show that recently arrived returning migrants had better educational endowments than both immigrants and non‐migrants. Migrants who returned to Uganda following the fall of Idi Amin’s regime had the lowest educational levels and lowest living standards compared to other returnees. Furthermore, the results indicate that previous residence in countries in the West was associated with four additional years of schooling while returning migrants arriving from other African countries had the lowest levels of schooling among returning migrants. In South Africa, the study finds that returnees arriving almost immediately following the end of Apartheid had the highest levels of education compared to either immigrants or non‐migrants. Returnees on average also had the highest household living standards in South Africa. Among South African immigrants, the results indicate that those arriving towards the end of the century had lower educational endowments compared to immigrants who arrived in the country two to four years after the end of Apartheid.     

Returnees' Perspectives on Their Re‐migration Processes

The return of refugees and migrants back to their country of origin is an important topic on the agenda of Western European governments, as return is considered as the most “durable solution” for the “refugee problem”, and as an instrument with which to tackle “illegal” migration. However, these migration policies generally lack a clear evidence base, as little studies have focused on returnees' current living situations and on their perspectives on the re‐migration process. In this paper we therefore try to listen to returnees' voices, through in‐depth interviews with four Nepalese migrants both before (in Belgium) and after (in Nepal) their return, and with 16 returnees after their return to Nepal. The interviews show how most returnees start with a disadvantageous “point of departure” to realize a “successful” return: mostly, they do not really depart “voluntarily”, and they only have limited possibilities for preparing their return and setting realistic expectations. But also, back in the “home country”, most returnees judge their current economic, social and political living situation as bad, meeting little of the expectations that they set before they returned. The participants consider the support they received through the NGOs' return programmes as minimal, because they are mostly limited to a small amount of financial support, and thus of little significance in these returnees' efforts to rebuild their lives in their “home” country. If return programmes want to make a difference in returnees' lives, they should have two extensive components in the “home” and the “host” country, incorporating in both components an integral approach, including economic, political, social and psychological aspects. Viewing these findings, it is not surprising that most interviewees eventually evaluate their return as unsuccessful, and many returnees consider re‐emigration, all of which clearly questions the current basis of worldwide migration policies.     

Gender and rural-urban migration in China

Many men and women in China are migrating in search of better economic opportunities. Young women who migrate to urban centers in search of opportunity may stay away from their home villages for several years. At some point, however, they are likely to return home. This article considers the effect which such circular migration is having upon gender relations in China. The author's argument is presented in sections on China's 1990 census, migration and the sexual division of labor, migration and child care, the influence of returning migrants, the influence of young female returnees, and the fertility of returnees. She speculates that the demands and expectations of young women who return to their villages after spending some time earning high wages in urban areas will be affected by urban norms. While their return may lead to initial conflict, it is likely that the women will retain greater personal autonomy from their urban experience. Their return is also likely to lead to a higher degree of material consumption in the rural areas. Present circular migration in China has the potential to return human and financial resources to the villages, thereby helping to prevent the urban-rural gap between economic, social, cultural, and educational factors from growing even wider.     

Economic Reintegration of Ethiopian Women Returned from the Middle East

Current migration studies and policy reviews neglect the vital link between migration experiences of labour migrants and their return and reintegration process. The objective of this study is to highlight the phenomenon and bring the matter to policy makers’ attention. This study uses in‐depth interviews and a series of focus group discussions to explore the relationship between migration experiences and economic reintegration of unskilled Ethiopian women who are return migrants from Middle Eastern countries. Economic reintegration, which in its basic form is about securing a livelihood, is a challenge for most returnees. The reason relates to the migration settings, preparedness and reintegration assistance in the home county. Reintegration assistance for involuntary returnees is beneficial only for those who manage to obtain some savings out of their migration. The findings imply the need for policy improvements regarding the working conditions of female domestic workers in the host countries and reintegration programmes in the home countries.     

The meaning,modalities and consequences of return migration

Return migration and its consequences has attracted increasing attention since Western European countries adopted policies in the mid 1970s to stop the inflow of foreign workers and to promote reintegration of emigrants. This paper explores the definition of return migration, discusses the different contexts in which return migration arises, and points out the many gaps that exist in understanding return migration and its consequences. The report concludes that there is no consensus on the definition of return migration; future advances in its analysis and measurement depend on the availability of specific criteria to distinguish return movements from other migration taking place in the world today. Also, relatively little attention has been devoted to return flows of migrants in developing countries due to paucity of information and fluidity of some of the movements involved. Yet another area for concern is the lack of information pertaining to female emigrants. Some recommendations that may lead to the eventual satisfaction of these needs include: 1) defining returnees as persons who, having the nationality of the country that they are entering, have spent at least one year abroad and have returned with the intention of staying at least one year in the country of their nationality; 2) having coontries with important emigration flows monitor return migration by gathering and publishing information on returning migrants; 3) giving particular attention to the problems faced by female returnees and adopting measures to ensure equal aid to males and females; 4) studying and monitoring the consequences of return migration on whole families instead of on only certain members of the family; 5) monitoring the consequences of sizeable repatriation flows, giving particular attention to the success of reintegration programs; 6) developing novel methods to monitor and study the impact of return flows of emigrants whose situation in the receiving state was irregular.     

Impacts of Return Migration on Rural U.S. Communities

Rural population loss is caused as much by low in‐migration as by high out‐migration, and for geographically disadvantaged nonmetropolitan counties in the United States, return migration plays a crucial role. This research captures impacts of return migrants on population, economy, and society in declining rural U.S. communities using a qualitative, multisited approach. Interviews conducted at high school reunions with rural returnees in their late 20s to late 40s show that the vast majority of returnees brought spouses and children back with them, increasing the short‐term and long‐term population. They also brought back much needed human capital, including education, job skills, and life experiences, and filled professional positions that are often hard to fill in rural communities. Entrepreneurial activities and self‐employment of many return migrants favorably affected rural economies by improving the employment base and expanding available services. Interviews show how decisions to move back were grounded in social relations that promoted civic engagement. While they mainly moved back for their children and their families, return migrants valued involvement in familiar social networks and the opportunities to make a difference in their rural hometowns.     

Back to Square One: Socioeconomic Integration of Deported Migrants

This paper addresses the issue of socioeconomic integration of forced return migrants, focusing on the Maghreb countries. Starting from the hypothesis that the return has to be prepared, I tested whether a disruption in the migration cycle (such as deportation) increases the individual's vulnerability and affects his integration from both a structural and sociocultural point of view, using the 2006 Migration de Retour au Maghreb (MIREM, or Return Migration to the Maghreb) survey. I found that forced returnees are more vulnerable to negative labor market outcomes compared to voluntary returnees. The absence of forced returnees from the labor market, or their underperformances, creates a net loss for the origin country and also incentives to re‐migrate. The negative effect is statistically significant not only immediately after return, but also in the long run, at survey time. Forced return is also significantly and negatively correlated with sociocultural integration, reflecting a marginalization of deported migrants in their home environment, which may act as a re‐emigration incentive.     

Return migration to Jamaica and its development potential

Return migration to Jamaica is associated closely with the existence and nature of the transnational linkages established between migrants and their home country, especially at the level of the household and family. Remittances invariably precede, accompany and follow the actual return of migrants and comprise money as well as a range of consumer goods.
Data on the number of returning migrants to Jamaica have been collected officially only since 1992; other information is derived from field studies. The figures show that the US is the source of most return migrants to Jamaica, with the United Kingdom second.
Likewise, there are few official statistics on remittances, especially of those entering the country through informal channels. Nevertheless, data on the receipt of money through the Bank of Jamaica, indicate that during the 1990s remittances as a percentage of GDP exceeded that of the traditional foreign currency earners of bauxite and sugar.
Growing awareness of the potential of the Jamaican overseas community has led the Government of Jamaica to establish programmes, including The Return of Talent programme, supported by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), to encourage the return of nationals.
Different types of return migrants have the potential to make different kinds of contributions to national development – some through their skills, educational and professional experience, others through the financial capital which they transfer for investment or as retirement income. However, the most significant development potential of return lies in the social and economic conditions in Jamaica itself. If confidence levels are high, there will be little difficulty in attracting persons to return and financial transfers and investments will increase. Furthermore, the social and economic environment largely conditions the extent to which skills and talent as well as the financial capital are effectively utilized.     

Emigration dynamics in Pakistan

This study of emigration dynamics in Pakistan focuses on Pakistan's position as one of the world's leading manpower exporters. The study opens with a review of the history of international labor from the subcontinent. The second section looks at the problems with the collection of data on international migration and then considers the volume of international migration, migrant destinations, return migration, undocumented migration, and the stock of migrant workers abroad. The third section describes the economic and demographic context for overseas migration through a consideration of gross national product and the remittances of migrant workers, growth in gross domestic product, poverty and income distribution, the state of the population, labor force and employment, a profile of migrant workers, and the government's employment policy. The political and social context for overseas migration is the topic of the next section, and the discussion centers on emigration policy, institutional arrangements for manpower export and the welfare of migrants, and the economic resettlement of return migrants. Consideration of the future trends in international migration from Pakistan focuses on the cyclic nature of overseas labor migration, the existence of networks to facilitate such migration, uneven distribution of enabling resources in Pakistan, the paucity of available data, and governmental/cultural factors that promote and restrict such migration. It is concluded that both individual Pakistanis and the government consider overseas migration a positive force but that a reliance on such an ad hoc measure has costs that have not been considered by Pakistan's policy-makers.