美对伊战争目的与伊重建

美英于3月20日对伊发动了战争,5月1日,布什总统宣布在伊的"大规模战斗"已经结束.至此,美结束了其"改造"伊拉克的第一阶段行动;第二阶段的工作是重建和掌控伊拉克,从中获取丰厚的经济利益;第三阶段是在伊建立美式民主制度,作为样板供中东各国效仿.但战后,伊社会状况混乱,民不聊生,伊重建将面临诸多困难.     

中国企业参与伊重建的思考与建议——浅谈中国化工企业进军伊重建市场

伊拉克油气资源丰富，对世界各大企业很具诱惑力。伊战后，美虽欲独占伊重建市场，但可能性不大。中国企业应加强与伊及其周边国家的联系，努力通过间接渠道进入伊重建市场。     

伊拉克战争以来中国与伊拉克的关系

伊战前中伊两国间保持着长期的友好交往。伊战结束后，中国积极参与了联合国倡导的伊拉克重建，并与美国等西方国家及俄国、阿拉伯国家合作，与伊拉克新政权建立了良好的关系。中国公司也积极参与了伊拉克的经济重建。与战前相比，中伊经济关系发生重大变化，即贸易规模迅速扩大，能源合作的地位上升，中国从贸易顺差变为逆差，而中国公司的投资从一般制造业和建筑承包转向能源和高层次的制造业。中国对伊拉克新政权的外交政策和经济合作对于伊的稳定和发展起到了积极作用，同时保证了中国在伊的权益，在2014年6月以来伊拉克的动荡中，中国和伊拉克共同努力妥善保障了中国的利益。     

中国企业参与伊重建的思考与建议--浅谈中国化工企业进军伊重建市场

伊拉克油气资源丰富,对世界各大企业很具诱惑力.伊战后,美虽欲独占伊重建市场,但可能性不大.中国企业应加强与伊及其周边国家的联系,努力通过间接渠道进入伊重建市场.     

伊拉克重建中的美国优势和挑战

美国在伊拉克重建中有优势，也面临挑战。优势有地缘和经济优势；挑战主要体现在社会秩序、政治和经济重建三个方面。如美国继续撇开联合国和国际社会，不顾中东地区的宗教、种族、历史和文化等实际情况而大张旗鼓的改造、整合伊拉克，把伊重建打上“美国造”标记，必会遇到更多严峻挑战。     

政权移交后的美伊关系探析

6月28日，美英联军当局提前向伊临时政府移交权力，标志着伊拉克历时14个月的被占领状态在法律意义上正式结束，为实现“伊人治伊”目标迈出了重要一步。但临时政府将会遇到重重阻力和挑战，交权后，美对伊的控制地位不变，因此，未来的伊政治格局仍是美为幕后导演，登台主演的是伊临时政府。     

试析伊拉克经济重建之难点

伊战结束至今已一年多了，但战后的伊经济重建却进展缓慢，原因是伊经济重建是一项庞大系统工程，美国事先对其难度估计不足，也缺乏具体计划；伊资金严重缺乏，债务负担沉重；伊安全形势严峻，重建工作雪上加霜；美独家主导重建的做法使许多国家对参与重建的兴趣不高；伊政治过渡进程一波三折，且各派利益斗争激烈。尽管这种局势对伊经济重建产生了一定的消极影响，但考虑到重建额大、周期长、利润丰厚，且伊石油储量丰富，各国对伊重建前景仍然看好。     

伊拉克战后库尔德人分离主义倾向的变化与发展

建立自己的独立国家是伊拉克库尔德人多年来的政治目标。伊拉克战争结束后,面对周边国家对于库尔德分离倾向的压力和反对,再加上库尔德地区内部存在各种问题,库尔德领导人在伊战后政治重建中采取了务实的态度。为争取更大程度的区域自治,他们在宪法草案中确定了伊拉克国家的联邦主义性质。并利用和美国政府的密切关系,在伊过渡政府中占据了大量重要职位。但这并不意味着库尔德人彻底放弃了分离主义目标。从目前来看,库尔德人对分离主义的取舍将和伊战后重建的成败紧密联系在一起。如果伊战后重建最终失败并爆发内战,库尔德人依然会寻求自己的独立道路。     

伊拉克战后库尔德人分离主义倾向的变化与发展

建立自己的独立国家是伊拉克库尔德人多年来的政治目标.伊拉克战争结束后,面对周边国家对于库尔德分离倾向的压力和反对,再加上库尔德地区内部存在各种问题,库尔德领导人在伊战后政治重建中采取了务实的态度.为争取更大程度的区域自治,他们在宪法草案中确定了伊拉克国家的联邦主义性质.并利用和美国政府的密切关系,在伊过渡政府中占据了大量重要职位.但这并不意味着库尔德人彻底放弃了分离主义目标.从目前来看,库尔德人对分离主义的取舍将和伊战后重建的成败紧密联系在一起.如果伊战后重建最终失败并爆发内战,库尔德人依然会寻求自己的独立道路.     

伊拉克过渡政权核心人物沙拉比

美伊战争结束已半年，在美国的一手策划下，被称为“千面枭雄”的伊拉克代表沙拉比，在流亡期间与美国国会联系密切，在众多伊拉克反对派中，被华盛顿选中，成为伊过渡政权的核心人物。     

Undergraduate Social Work Faculty in the USA React to the War with Iraq

The role of social workers in political activism has been characterized with ambivalence, and few studies have addressed political activism within the social work academic setting. The purpose of the current study was to explore how social work educators responded to the war with Iraq from an educational perspective as well as a personal perspective. Undergraduate social work faculty (N = 65) from accredited social work programs in each state throughout the USA completed a brief quantitative survey via email about the war with Iraq including the following topics: educational responses; personal responses; personal views; academic freedom; and demographic data. Findings revealed that 70% of respondents felt that social work faculty had a responsibility to educate students about the war with Iraq, however, only 36% of respondents felt that social work faculty had a responsibility to advocate for or against the war with Iraq. The majority of the faculty surveyed incorporated the war with Iraq in their class activities (88%) and participated in war activities outside of class on their own campus (80%). A significant minority of faculty felt restricted by their institution from expressing their views of the war with Iraq during class time (14%) and on their own campus (17%).     

Strategic Role Taking and Political Struggle: Bearing Witness to the Iraq War

U.S. and Canadian peace activists traveled to Iraq as a social movement tactic, in the buildup to the war and during the war itself, in an attempt to sustain or increase peace activism at home. Based on interviews with fourteen peace activists, this study analyzes how the presence of antiwar activists in Iraq serves two social movement goals. First, their presence in Iraq bestowed activists increased access to media, bolstering their ability to reframe the war within mainstream media accounts. Second, by traveling to Iraq, activists furnished themselves with stories of the hardships and suffering of war to share with audiences at home. By retelling these narratives, activists provide opportunities and obligations for audience members to imaginatively take the role of Iraqi civilians, in the hope that audience members will practice moral reasoning and be consequently moved to act against the war. To provide these role‐taking opportunities, peace activists must also engage in a political struggle over “otherhood” by countering official attempts to dehumanize Iraqis.     

中国对伊拉克外交中的国家利益取向

在新中国成立早期的中伊关系中,政治意识形态、谋求主权利益在中国对伊政策中成为重要考量;进入20世纪八十年代后,政治、经济等其他利益考量开始出现在中国对伊关系中,这一现象一直持续到美国等外部力量对伊拉克的军事介入。而中国在伊战前后所采取的立场,则充分显现了中国的国家利益取向。     

中国对伊拉克外交中的国家利益取向

在新中国成立早期的中伊关系中,政治意识形态、谋求主权利益在中国对伊政策中成为重要考量;进入20世纪八十年代后,政治、经济等其他利益考量开始出现在中国对伊关系中,这一现象一直持续到美国等外部力量对伊拉克的军事介入。而中国在伊战前后所采取的立场,则充分显现了中国的国家利益取向。     

伊拉克战后政治发展的三个纬度

伊拉克在战后启动了国家构建进程，建立了民主制度。然而，超越了伊拉克民族构建阶段的民主化进程，不利于民主化进程顺利发展，不但引发了教派冲突，而且对民族构建带来负面影响。只有推动民族构建进程，才能消除教派冲突的根源，使国家构建顺利开展，从而推动民主制度在伊可持续发展。     

Conquering the minds, conquering Iraq: The social production of misinformation in the United States - a case study

In the lead-up to the Iraq War, the Bush administration rallied the American public for war via claims that they held unassailable evidence that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction and through the insinuation that links existed between Iraq and al Qaeda, and Iraq and the 11 September 2001 attacks. Despite the introduction of compelling evidence that these claims were false, more than 18 months after the official end of the war half of the American population continued to believe that either weapons of mass destruction had been found or that Iraq possessed a developed program for creating them. The prevalence of these misperceptions suggests important questions: How and why could such a significant percentage of the population remain so misinformed? What was the social process leading to the widespread adoption of misinformation? And what were the political effects of these misperceptions? This article proposes an analytical model that outlines both the production of these misperceptions and their political ramifications. It argues that the misperceptions about the Iraq war were socially produced via a complex interaction between a variety of factors including: the general climate of fear in America in the post-9/11 era, Bush administration agenda-setting strategies, and brokering between the political and communication establishments.     

伊战后美国对伊拉克库尔德政策的动因及走向

长期以来,奉行亲美立场的伊拉克库尔德人在美国的中东战略中具有不可替代的作用。伊战后,以2003年伊拉克战争为标志事件,2011年美军撤离伊拉克为重要节点,美国的伊拉克库尔德政策可以分撤军前和撤军后两个阶段。随着伊拉克国内安全局势的恶化、伊朗支持什叶派力量的力度加大、极端组织“伊斯兰国”的沉浮和美国中东战略的收缩,美国不断调整对伊拉克库尔德政策。该政策是内外多重因素影响的结果,从本质上讲是美国将其作为维护中东霸权战略的重要抓手和依托。近年来,随着伊拉克国内反美情绪的高涨、伊朗地区影响力的增强、叙利亚局势的不确定性等多重因素的叠加,美国根据中东局势变化和战略利益需要持续调整库尔德政策,伊拉克库尔德人仍将是美国中东战略中的一个重要棋子。     

伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦政治结构比较研究

美国于2003年发动的伊拉克战争对中东地区政治制度产生了深刻影响,一些中东国家或政权的政治结构和政治力量对比因此出现了重大变化。其中,尤以伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦的变化最为显著,它们按照政党制、议会制、选举制的模式各自进行了政治制度变革的尝试,并取得了一定进展,但总体尚不成熟。从西方引进的民主制度无疑改变了这些国家或政权的政治生活,有一定的积极作用,但不是治本良药,中东地区的问题需依靠地区自身来解决。     

Propaganda or public relations campaign? International communication on the war against Iraq

Cross-cultural survey on the war against Iraq from different cultures may help to assess whether the public relations war has succeeded or failed. Overall the public of the U.S. and the U.K. formed similar evaluations of the war; whereas South Korean opinion was lay on the opposite side of the continuum. The present study suggests that public relations campaigns administered by the U.S. government did not generate favorable opinions in countries other than the U.S.     

U.S. sociology and the Iraq War

The 2003 U.S. invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq had profound consequences for the people living in that nation. In this essay, I provide a brief overview of the dramatic changes that transpired in Iraq due to the war. I then move on to highlight the contributions U.S. sociologists have made in studies regarding the conflict, based on a review of articles published from 2003–2016 in ten generalist U.S.‐based journals. My review shows that while U.S. sociology has made significant contributions to further collective knowledge about American aspects of the Iraq War, U.S. sociologists have paid very little attention to the actual impacts of the invasion and occupation on Iraqi social organizations, Iraqi culture, and on the lives of individual Iraqis. I make the case that these historically significant events deserve more scholarly attention than they have been given so far. I further argue that U.S. sociologists have a special responsibility to document, study, and explain the consequences of their government's behavior when it causes extensive harm to people living in another land.