共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
在国际关系理论中,现实主义和理想主义是两种相互对立的理论,二者对美国的外交理念及外交政策均产生了重要的影响。本文回顾了这两种外交理念的传统渊源,进而分析了其对美国中东政策的影响。无论是理想主义还是现实主义,美国不同时期的中东政策的立足点都是美国的国家利益。 相似文献
2.
后冷战时代核均势下的大国竞争集中在经济较量上,美国误判了新兴大国崛起的本质,未意识到这种挑战是经济上的而非军事上的。美国在全球过度军事干预,与国内经济衰落和金融危机一道,促使美国主导下的单极体系急剧走向式微。由于力量衰退,美国被迫实施战略收缩,以大国协作方式维持霸权不坠。中东政策调整是美国全球战略收缩的一个缩影。奥巴马执政后,美国中东政策的可能调整包括:重塑中东均势以减轻战略重负;默认伊朗的中东大国地位,通过接触政策缓和美伊矛盾;接受欧盟、俄罗斯、中国在中东的建设性作用。但美国不会放弃单极霸权宿求,战略收缩只是其权宜之计,因此难以逃脱在全球与中东影响力下降的命运。 相似文献
3.
整体考察美国的中东政策(下) 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
无论在冷战时期还是后冷战时代,中东地区因其拥有丰富的能源和特殊的地缘政治地位而成为美国全球战略中的重要部分.依照美国中东政策的源起、美在中东的利益、冷战和后冷战时期的美中东政策等历史线索和逻辑关系,本文对美国中东政策进行了系统梳理与整体考察,构建了"分析美国中东政策的框架".其中,作者多年前提出的"考察美国中东政策的坐标"在实证研究中是可行且有效的.冷战后,中东成为美国全球战略重点"两洋战略"的"连接点"和"支撑点",具有"不可替代性",从而与"两洋战略"遥相呼应,构成强有力的"哑铃态势",加强了"两洋战略".此外,美国发动了海湾战争、阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争等三场有重大影响的战争,进一步说明中东地区对美来说不仅有着无法割舍的利益需求,而且还是实现其战略目标的重要舞台. 相似文献
4.
无论在冷战时期还是后冷战时代,中东地区因其拥有丰富的能源和特殊的地缘政治地位而成为美国全球战略中的重要部分.依照美国中东政策的源起、美在中东的利益、冷战和后冷战时期的美中东政策等历史线索和逻辑关系,本文对美国中东政策进行了系统梳理与整体考察,构建了"分析美国中东政策的框架".其中,作者多年前提出的"考察美国中东政策的坐标"在实证研究中是可行且有效的.冷战后,中东成为美国全球战略重点"两洋战略"的"连接点"和"支撑点",具有"不可替代性",从而与"两洋战略"遥相呼应,构成强有力的"哑铃态势",加强了"两洋战略".此外,美国发动了海湾战争、阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争等三场有重大影响的战争,进一步说明中东地区对美来说不仅有着无法割舍的利益需求,而且还是实现其战略目标的重要舞台. 相似文献
5.
Karen Bogenschneider 《Journal of marriage and the family》2000,62(4):1136-1159
Family policy has come of age in the 1990s, yet it has not achieved a status commensurate with that of economic or environmental policy. Because family policy has been difficult to define, this review proposes an explicit definition of the term family policy and a companion implicit term, a family perspective in policy making It updates the rationale for family policy, arguing that family commitment at its core is particularly consequential in an individualistic market economy with a small social safety net. It chronicles recent developments including philanthropic commitments, state and federal policy initiatives, and the use of research to inform family policy making. Selected family policy issues including family and work conflict, long-term care, family poverty, and marriage, are overviewed. The paper concludes with developments during the decade in theory, methods, and dissemination that hold the potential for capitalizing on the current popularity of families as a theme in policy making. 相似文献
6.
美国的均势外交思想和实践与其地缘特征密切相关。远离欧亚大陆的地缘孤立以及在多条战线上维持支配地位的需要阻碍了美国有效参与欧亚大陆的权力争夺,均势外交成为美国谋求霸权的“法宝”。冷战结束后,美国的霸权基础更为脆弱;海湾战争以来的美国中东政策偏离了均势外交的要求,转而寻求武力支配中东地区;伊拉克战争更使美国的战略重心向中东地区倾斜,暴露了美国全球战略的缺陷。美国中东政策的困境在于布什政府对美传统均势外交的背离。不管2008年美国大选结果如何,未来美国中东政策将围绕重启中东均势外交作进一步调整。 相似文献
7.
“9·11”事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化。这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面。美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一。 相似文献
8.
Although female employment is associated with lower levels of completed fertility in the civilian world, we find family formation rates among U.S. military women to be comparatively high. We compare enlisted women with civilian women using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 3,547), the only data set to measure simultaneously the nuptiality and fertility of both populations. Using propensity score matching, we show that the fertility effect derives primarily from early marriage in the military, a surprisingly “family‐friendly” institution. This shows that specific organizational and economic incentives in a working environment may offset the more widespread contemporary social and economic factors that otherwise depress marriage and fertility. 相似文献
9.
Michèle Lamont 《Sociological Forum》2012,27(1):251-254
This essay provides a response to comments offered by Omar Lizardo (2011) and Ann Mische (2011) with reference to my piece “How Has Bourdieu Been Good to Think With? The Case of the United States” ( Lamont, 2011 ). All essays appear in this issue. 相似文献
10.
ABSTRACTSystematic review procedures are used to empirically evaluate the “implicit” logic model that guides the Air Force Family Advocacy Program’s secondary prevention efforts of family maltreatment among active-duty Air Force members. Searches of seven electronic databases and manual searches of 10 journals yielded 586 peer-reviewed articles published in 2000 or later. This review synthesizes the findings of 23 quantitative studies meeting inclusion criteria, including the prediction of some form of family maltreatment among U.S. active-duty military members. Based on review results, we identify critical success variables that function as family protective factors to decrease the likelihood of family maltreatment. These modifiable variables include formal supports, such as ecosystem supports from installation and unit leaders; informal supports, such as the social support of fellow service members and their families; and safe, stable, and nurturing family processes. The results generally align with the implicit logic model but suggest the model should be extended to include intrapersonal vulnerabilities and assets as well as contextual risks and assets. In addition to informing secondary prevention efforts in the Air Force, this novel use of systematic review procedures offers a strategy for evaluating logic models in other areas of prevention research, practice, or policy. 相似文献
11.
二战结束以来,美国与沙特特殊关系的构建主要依靠准联盟外交,这类外交具有合作载体的非正式性、解决任务的选择性、合作手段的灵活性和战略指向的模糊性等特点。美沙准联盟外交的形成具有国际层面、国家层面和单元内部层面三重原因,双方的安全共同体和利益共同体意识强化了准联盟外交。“9·11”事件后,美国在海湾地区由依靠沙特转向依靠海合会其他成员,其准联盟外交战略呈现多元化趋势;沙特则积极利用欧盟、俄罗斯、中国和印度等来平衡美国的影响力。美沙各自外交战略的调整使美沙准联盟暗藏危机。 相似文献
12.
美国经济复苏总的势头没有改变,但是增长乏力,面临着非常多、非常严峻的挑战。关国货币政策现在还面临着两难的窘境,财政状况不断恶化,债务上限问题就是非常明显的例子。预计美国整个财政政策将被迫做出调整。短期内,美国经济将在一个中低速增长中波动。 相似文献
13.
美以均坚决反对伊朗拥有核武器,且始终认为伊朗发展核技术旨在制造核武器,因此两国主张严格限制伊朗核活动。这是长期以来美以在伊朗核问题上的基本共识,美以现政府仍持有此共识。但由于美国把伊朗核问题置于海湾乃至全球安全战略框架中考虑,伊朗核问题只是其安全战略框架的构成要素之一。除了伊朗核问题,美国也同样关注伊拉克问题、阿富汗问题等其他中东问题。而以色列则把伊朗核问题看作维护其国家安全的重中之重。两国的安全战略目标在范围和轻重缓急上存在差异。因此,尽管美以两国均主张严格限制伊朗的核活动,但在限制手段和限制方式等方面存在分歧。 相似文献
14.
With the evolution of communication technologies, traditional public diplomacy is transforming. This study examines the practice of the U.S. Embassy's public diplomatic communication via social media, namely Chinese mainstream blogging and micro-blogging, sites using Tencent for a case study. This study analyzes the embassy's blog and micro-blog entries and an interview with the embassy's public diplomacy officer. Based on the content analysis and interview, this study discerns the key features of the U.S. Embassy's public diplomatic communication using social media and further suggests that the common values and interests related to the global public as well as experience-sharing and relationship-building might become the focus of new public diplomacy research. 相似文献
15.
16.
2009年下半年以来,也门基地组织的恐怖活动对国际社会尤其对美国造成了严重威胁,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。也门北部的胡塞主义者叛乱和基地组织在也门的重新发展壮大,是国际反恐怖阵营的主要关注点。由于经济落后、社会不稳等因素,再加上传统的尚武文化,也门很难在短期内摆脱恐怖主义问题的困扰。虽然美国面临来自也门的严重恐怖主义威胁,但由于受困于伊拉克和阿富汗战场,美国不可能在也门开辟反恐第三战场。 相似文献
17.
Barragato Charles A. 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2002,13(3):301-311
Research concerning executive compensation has a long history. However, most studies have been conducted on publicly traded investor-owned enterprises. Although the not-for-profit sector experienced explosive growth during the 1990s, little work has been devoted to understanding its executive compensation schemes and incentives arrangements. In the United States, recent Federal and State legislation has changed the landscape under which nonprofits must operate to avoid penalties for paying excessive compensation to its executives. Studies of compensation schemes under different organizational arrangements are limited. This paper uses the U.S. hospital industry to link the for-profit and nonprofit compensation and incentive literatures. It highlights selected for-profit executive compensation and incentive processes and suggests how some of these methods could be applied in a nonprofit setting. 相似文献
18.
2009年下半年以来,也门基地组织的恐怖活动对国际社会尤其对美国造成了严重威胁,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。也门北部的胡塞主义者叛乱和基地组织在也门的重新发展壮大,是国际反恐怖阵营的主要关注点。由于经济落后、社会不稳等因素,再加上传统的尚武文化,也门很难在短期内摆脱恐怖主义问题的困扰。虽然美国面临来自也门的严重恐怖主义威胁,但由于受困于伊拉克和阿富汗战场,美国不可能在也门开辟反恐第三战场。 相似文献
19.
We describe the mental health consequences of United States travel policies affecting Cuban Americans (CAs) with relatives in Cuba and discuss these policies in the context of U.S. domestic politics and the Bush administration's desire for regime change in Cuba. Policies put into effect in 2004 restrict CAs from visiting relatives in Cuba more than once every 3 years, narrowly define family whom CAs can legally visit, and limit the assistance they can provide their Cuban relatives. We share case reports based on qualitative interviews with 53 Cuban Americans that illustrate travel-related psychological distress (TRPD) experienced by CAs in response to the restrictions. We note the difficulties CAs experience in coping with TRPD and the need for political and mental health interventions to address this condition. TRPD is directly related to the government's violation of the human and constitutional rights of CAs to travel freely. It is the responsibility of the state to restore those rights. Human services professionals should oppose TRPD as antithetical to family well-being. 相似文献
20.
美国石油地缘战略与中东地区安全 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中东地区在地缘政治上处于连接欧、亚、非三大洲的枢纽地位,迄今为止还没有建立起真正的安全机制,中东国际关系具有极强的传动性、脆弱性和复杂性.长期以来,美国在中东的首要国家安全利益是控制该地区的石油,确保美国对中东市场和中东海空战略航道的控制,以中东地缘战略为依托,实现在全球经济、政治和安全事务等方面的战略主动权.随着美国进一步实施在中东建立政治新格局,中东地区安全与中东石油安全相互依存关系也将不断增强. 相似文献