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1.
In this essay, we have developed a rational choice model to study the transition to democracy. Such a model implies that the change or maintenance of a political system is the result of rational decisions by individuals, interest groups, and political parties under specific constraints. Our analysis shows that political systems are critically dependent upon the level of economic development. If a nation is at the lower stage of economic development, and, particularly, if its citizenry is poorly educated, the nation would lean toward choosing a dictatorship. As the nation accumulates more and more reproducible capital, it will tend to move toward democracy. Similarly, the model shows that, as the cost of democracy becomes lower and lower over time, a democratic system is likely to be chosen as the political infrastructure for social and economic development. Received: 15 February 1995 / Accepted: 23 June 1997  相似文献   

2.
Newspapers, Television and Political Reasoning   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Adults' use of newspapers is found to correlate positively withhaving reasons for preferring one U.S. senatorial candidateover another. Television exposure is negatively related to politicalreasoning to a nearly significant degree. Data were providedby a 1974 nationwide, postelection survey. Analysis was conductedat the aggregate level, examining media behavior and politicalknowledge in 67 news markets. News markets with competitionamong daily newspapers show greater levels of information thanmonopoly areas, controlling for education and interest in politics.Results suggest that a decline in newspaper penetration, lessenedcompetition, or shift toward use of television for news wouldweaken peoples' understanding about partisan candidates.  相似文献   

3.
This study attempts to explicate empirically the concept ofvoter volatility and to test the assertion that the use of televisionfor political news contributes to this electoral instability.Voter volatility is defined as the level of unpredictabilityof election outcomes from traditional demographic and politicalparty variables. The effects of television and newspaper exposureon each of seven volatility dimensions were examined beforeand after the introduction of two control variables: educationand political interest. Neither the media exposure measuresnor the control variables predicted to all volatility dimensionsin a uniform way. Contrary to expectations, the dominant directionof television exposure's relationships was toward lower levelsof volatility. While newspaper use effects were largely in theexpected direction of lower volatility, reversals were shownhere as well. Education and political interest, traditionallythought to be stabilizing electoral forces, also revealed positiveas well as negative relationships to various volatility factors.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

The relationship components and nature of postdivorce parenting responsibilities were examined among individuals going through different levels of conflict as measured by level of court involvement during their divorce and 6 months later. A modification of the Binuclear Family Research Project Questionnaire was employed to examine communication, interaction, anger, guilt, positive feelings, and attitude toward former spouse as a parent for 110 parents of children under the age of 18 going through a divorce or dissolution. Participants were classified into 1 of 4 groups based on level of court involvement: dissolution, divorce with low conflict, divorce with moderate conflict, and divorce with high conflict. Results suggested that individuals going through dissolutions have better communication, more interaction, and a more positive attitude toward their former spouse than individuals going through high-conflict divorces. Suggestions are offered for addressing postdivorce conflict and future research.  相似文献   

5.
A focus group study was conducted examining the way young voters interpret and make sense of celebrity influence in politics. Eight focus groups discussed the credibility and influence of celebrities when they speak on political and social issues. Findings suggest that young people have a complex interpretation of celebrity influence. Celebrity type, general credibility, identification with, and appropriateness to an issue were all key components in evaluating celebrity political credibility. Perceived influence of celebrities manifested in a greater interest in an issue but not necessarily an attitude change. There was a high degree of perceived influence on others; this was not always regarded positively. Social media was the primary medium for consumption of celebrity political appeals. An interweaving of all key themes suggests that young voters use aspirational identification and attachment to a celebrity to negotiate political messages. Normative implications and guidance for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

6.
Attitude correctness and attitude clarity define the broader concept, attitude certainty. Repeating one’s attitude to oneself causes attitude clarity, while learning that the majority of others agree with you causes attitude correctness. The current research tests how attitude correctness influences emotions and behavioral intentions toward individuals with opposing attitudes. We predicted that compared to clarity, those high in attitude correctness would feel more anger toward an opposing individual and a stronger desire to confront, oppose, and argue with them. Results across two studies supported predictions; believing that you hold the same attitude as the majority sparks feelings of anger toward individuals with differing viewpoints. The current work contributes to our understanding of heated debates and ugly confrontations.  相似文献   

7.
At the beginning of his first term, President Nixon engaged in an experiment to institutionalize and regularize a new channel for citizens to convey their views and ideas to the White House. He called it a President's Listening Post. The first one opened in Philadelphia to much hoopla and hopes in October 1969. Quickly, however, it became clear that the mechanism was not working as hoped. Trying to avoid political embarrassment, it was quietly shut down in early 1971. This article recounts the largely unknown experiment by the Nixon White House in presidential public relations.  相似文献   

8.
This article examines the relationship between online alternative media consumption and public support for radical social movement goals and tactics. Theoretically, online alternative media use could relate to the holding of more radical views either because such views are propagated by the alternative media or because of the breeding of extreme views through communications among like-minded people. At the same time, this relationship is expected to be particularly strong when online alternative media use is coupled with specific types of movement experiences. Analysis of a representative survey (N = 1012) in Hong Kong shows that both online alternative media use and participation in the Umbrella Movement in 2014 related positively to the attitude toward violent protests and toward Hong Kong independence, and the relationship between online alternative media use and radical views was particularly strong among the Umbrella Movement participants. The analysis also shows a distinction between the implications of consumption of alternative media belonging to different political factions.  相似文献   

9.
Previous research identifies two dissimilar strains of anti‐pornography sentiment: conservative moral traditionalism and feminism. Spokespersons for each of these sources of opposition to pornography have achieved some visibility in the media and political arena, but their general level of support is undetermined. This study analyzes the underpinnings of attitudes toward pornography in the public with data from a citywide survey. Initially, five demographic factors, five religiosity factors, three political indicators, and sexual restrictiveness are examined as pornography attitude predictors using bivariate and multivariate techniques. Women and elderly, married, and less educated persons are most condemning of pornography as are religious traditionalists, political conservatives, and persons with restrictive attitudes toward sexuality. These patterns are analyzed further with the estimation of a causal model, gender interaction terms, and a decomposition of the predictor variables’ effects. Although women are notably more opposed to pornography than men, there are no substantial gender interaction effects, and gender effects on pornography are largely direct.  相似文献   

10.
This study examines the interrelationships amongst and between news attention, education, and political tolerance. Based on the theoretical presumption that the mainstream news media tend to reflect the prejudices and ideologies of the dominant groups in a society, news portrayal of groups regarded as deviant and/or controversial can be expected to be negative in valence. Hence, news attention is expected to lead to more negative attitudes toward such groups, which in turn breeds intolerance toward them. Meanwhile, education may moderate the relationship between news attention and tolerance. Research questions and hypotheses are examined through analyzing the data from a representative survey conducted in Hong Kong. The findings confirm the negative, indirect effect of news attention on tolerance through attitude toward deviant groups. Education is also found to relate to tolerance in a complicated and contradictory manner: while education has a direct positive effect on tolerance, it also strengthens the negative impact that attitude toward deviant groups has on tolerance. The theoretical and social implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

11.
Despite the recent proliferation of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) thematic content in U.S. media, there have been relatively few empirical investigations examining its impact on heterosexuals' attitudes toward LGB individuals. This study examined the effect of one type of content, male-male homoerotic imagery, on male and female heterosexuals' attitudes toward, stereotypes about, and affective reactions to gay men. One hundred ninety-eight undergraduate students were assigned to either a male-male or male-female erotica condition, and their corresponding attitudes toward gay men were assessed. Results revealed that the effect of erotic imagery (male-male vs. male-female) on participants' stereotype and affect scores differed for men and women at varying levels of sexual anxiety. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of the literature on exposure to erotic imagery and attitudes toward gay men. In particular, the study highlights the need for additional research that acknowledges within-gender heterogeneity with respect to antigay attitude valence, extremity, and function.  相似文献   

12.
The present study examined whether politicalorientation, experience of unemployment or with theunemployed, and/or occupational background predictedthree dimensions of attitudes expressed toward theunemployed in conversation. The three dimensions were:nature of attitude, variability in attitude, and form ofattitude. Sixty-seven employed individuals participated.Political orientation was found to be a good predictor of the nature of and variability inattitudes toward the unemployed. It was also a goodpredictor of the form with which attitudes wereexpressed in general, with political moderates usingfewer generalizations than those who were politicallypolarized, but it was not a good predictor of the formthat people used to express particular types ofattitude. Occupational group also predicted the nature of and variability in attitudes toward theunemployed, with other factors constant. Personalexperience was a good predictor of the form of attitudeexpressed. Those with more experience with unemployed people tended to use fewer generalizations.However, personal experience of unemployment or with theunemployed did not predict the nature of attitudesexpressed.  相似文献   

13.
The university campus has often been seen as an important site for the politicization of young people. Recent explanations for this have focused attention upon the role of the student union as a means to enable a ‘critical mass’ of previously isolated individuals to produce social networks of common interest. What is missing from these accounts, however, and what this article seeks to address, is how these factors actually facilitate the development of political norms and the active engagement of many students. Drawing upon qualitative data from three countries we argue that it is the milieu of the smaller student societies that are crucial for facilitating the habitus of the student citizen. They provide the space for creative development and performance of the political self, affiliations to particular fields and access to cultural and social capital. Moreover, we contend that these processes of politicization are increasingly enacted through social media networks that foreground their importance for developing political habitus in the future.  相似文献   

14.
Informational lobbying under the shadow of political pressure   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
We examine the incentives of an interest group to provide verifiable policy-relevant information to a political decision-maker and to exert political pressure on her. In our view information provision is a risky attempt to affect the politician’s beliefs about the desirability of the lobby’s objective. The circumstances under which political pressure can be applied specify the lobby’s valuation of different beliefs of the politician and, thus, her attitude toward risk. We identify several factors that induce risk proclivity (and thus information provision), which allows to explain the stylized fact that lobbies engage both in information provision and political pressure. Moreover, our approach gives a novel explanation for the fact that interest groups often try to provide information credibly. We finally study the extent to which this preference for credibility is robust and identify some instances in which lobbies may prefer to strategically withhold information.  相似文献   

15.
This study addresses the changing role of Internet usage on the political knowledge and participation gap between individuals of low and high socioeconomic status (SES). Analysis of data collected by the Pew Research Center's Biennial Media Consumption Studies (1998–2012) shows that the percentage of the population that accidentally encounters political information online has risen dramatically. Results show that accidental exposure and SES are positively related to political knowledge, and that accidental exposure reduces the SES knowledge gap. Moreover, accidental exposure appears to be mitigating the SES voting gap at an increasing rate over time.  相似文献   

16.
Previous research generally indicates that unemployment is damaging to self-esteem and morale with attendant economic deprivations. Research among the middleclass unemployed is quite rare and is inconclusive as to the specific impact of unemployment on members of this stratum. In this study, interviews with one hundred unemployed male technical-professionals during the aerospace-defense-electronics recession of early 1972 revealed that for many, unemployment was less stressful than expected. The expression of a positive attitude toward job loss by 48 percent of the sample became a subject of special interest. The reason most frequently given for having a positive attitude toward job loss was that it represented an opportunity to escape from an undesirable job. Being laid off apparently made a decision that many unemployed men had considered but had not brought themselves to make prior to the layoff. Additional variables which might help to explain the high percentage of men expressing a positive attitude toward job loss are discussed. Especially important are factors which taken together enhance the adaptability of these middle-class professionals to their unemployment by softening its financial impact.  相似文献   

17.
Australian scholars and politicians have long been concerned about politically uninformed and inactive young Australians. However, few efforts have been made to explain how the use of traditional and online media may affect youth’s participation in politics. Our research utilises the citizen communication mediation model and extends the expected mediation chain by an additional examination of the possible interactions between news media use and political discussions, as suggested by the differential gains model. Using representative data from Australian 10th graders, we examine whether and how news media usage (newspapers, television, radio, and the Internet) affects expected participation in a range of civic and political activities conditional of discussions about political issues (with family, friends, and online). Path models account for additional mediators (civic knowledge and civic efficacy) and control variables to explain future civic and political participation. The results suggest that news media use stimulates political discussions, although different media exert differential effects. Yet, news exposure hardly influences the second mediators (civic knowledge and civic efficacy) in a direct manner. In fact, civic knowledge and efficacy mediate the relationships between political communication and participation, both directly and sequentially. Moderation analyses clarify that despite the mediating role of political discussions, news media exposure also influences (future) civic participation contingent of students’ engagement in (primarily Internet-based) discussions about political and social issues. We emphasise the significance of these results with reference to previous research, discuss potential directions for future research, and draw conclusions for civics and citizenship education.  相似文献   

18.
This study analyzed the construct of "leavers" versus "left" as it relates to Levinger's factors of attractions, barriers, and alternative attractions. Individuals who perceive themselves as the "leaver" were more positive in their attitudes toward divorce than the "left." Females were also more positive in their attitude toward divorce than were males. Although "leavers" and "left" did not differ in attractions to the marriage or in the number of barriers to divorce, leavers were willing to identify a greater number of attractive alternatives to the marriage. Furthermore, individuals having a more positive attitude toward divorce were more likely to identify fewer attractions to the marriage and a greater number of attractive alternatives to the marriage. There was no relationship between an individual's attitude toward divorce and the number of barriers he/she was willing to identify. Of the variables studied, "attractive alternatives" to the marriage was consistently identified as most significant.  相似文献   

19.
Objectives: This study examined the attitudes of Greek undergraduate students toward transgender individuals to identify specific social variables as predictors of negative attitudes. Based on previous research, it appeared that gender, political conservatism, religiosity, and sexual prejudice are useful variables to examine in predicting attitudes toward transgender individuals. The sample (N = 238) consisted of undergraduates at various departments of major universities in Athens, Greece. Methods: The Genderism and Transphobia Scale (GTS) was used along with the Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men Scale (ATLG) and a brief demographics questionnaire. Results: Correlation analysis showed that negative attitudes toward transgender individuals were positively associated with religiosity, frequency of attendance at religious services, political designation, gender, and sexual prejudice. Regression analysis revealed mainly gender and secondly sexual prejudice (as measured by the ATLG) to be independent predictors of attitudes toward transgender individuals. Conclusions: The findings shed light on the current status of undergraduate students’ attitudes toward transgender individuals and reveal important variables that affect these attitudes in a specific sociocultural environment.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

In a high-choice media environment, there are fears that individuals will select media and content that reinforce their existing beliefs and lead to segregation based on interest and/or partisanship. This could lead to partisan echo chambers among those who are politically interested and could contribute to a growing gap in knowledge between those who are politically interested and those who are not. However, the high-choice environment also allows individuals, including those who are politically interested, to consume a wide variety of media, which could lead them to more diverse content and perspectives. This study examines the relationship between political interest as well as media diversity and being caught in an echo chamber (measured by five different variables). Using a nationally representative survey of adult internet users in the United Kingdom (N?=?2000), we find that those who are interested in politics and those with diverse media diets tend to avoid echo chambers. This work challenges the impact of echo chambers and tempers fears of partisan segregation since only a small segment of the population are likely to find themselves in an echo chamber. We argue that single media studies and studies which use narrow definitions and measurements of being in an echo chamber are flawed because they do not test the theory in the realistic context of a multiple media environment.  相似文献   

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