当代阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛政治化探析

阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛政治化经历了一个渐进的过程。19世纪末和20世纪初,中东什叶派乌里玛曾在伊朗烟草抗议事件、伊朗立宪运动和伊拉克反英斗争三大事件中表现出空前的政治热情。20世纪50年代末和60年代初,因受到世俗化冲击下的宗教危机、乌里玛自身生存危机和日益严重的教派政治危机的影响,什叶派乌里玛开始积极参与政治。伊拉克两大什叶派圣城纳杰夫和卡尔巴拉是什叶派乌里玛政治化的源头,阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛通过"纳杰夫网络"和设拉子派实现了政治化。阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛的政治化产生了多重影响。     

什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成。黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为“永恒祖国”的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础。但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同。这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战。     

什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成.黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为"永恒祖国"的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础.但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同.这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战.     

当代埃及什叶派问题的形成及政治化演进

什叶派穆斯林是当代埃及社会的一个宗教少数群体。当代埃及的什叶派问题发轫于萨达特执政末期,并在穆巴拉克政权时期升级为严重的政治和安全问题。中东剧变爆发后,埃及什叶派因公开提出政治和宗教权利诉求,导致其公开活动的空间进一步受到压缩。埃及什叶派问题的形成与恶化是内外诸多因素联动的结果,其中埃及国内政治、伊朗和沙特在地区的教派政治角力等构成了主要的内部和外部因素。埃及什叶派问题未来能否得到解决,主要取决于其宗教少数派地位能否得到宪法认可、政治参与能否获得政府信任以及国内教派矛盾能否实现和解三个方面。     

海湾地区“什叶派新月带”兴起的宗教政治影响

伊拉克战争推翻萨达姆政权造成的一个最重要结果就是,解除了伊拉克对伊朗什叶派神权政府的多年遏制,还使得伊拉克什叶派在战后政治重建中逐步占据了政治主导地位。随着伊朗什叶派政权和伊拉克什叶派势力的联系日益加强,他们已在海湾地区形成了一股强大的什叶派宗教政治势力。在其影响下,周边其他逊尼派国家内部的什叶派民众纷纷要求扩大政治权力,逊尼派君主制国家政府也感到了什叶派神权思想反对君主制度的严峻压力。目前,正在日益兴起并标志着伊朗伊斯兰革命第二阶段的“什叶派新月带”,已经改变了海湾地区什叶派长期遭受逊尼派压制的传统局面,并直接关系到拥有世界最大石油资源的海湾地区的安全秩序和政治前景。     

海湾地区“什叶派新月带”兴起的宗教政治影响

伊拉克战争推翻萨达姆政权造成的一个最重要结果就是,解除了伊拉克对伊朗什叶派神权政府的多年遏制,还使得伊拉克什叶派在战后政治重建中逐步占据了政治主导地位.随着伊朗什叶派政权和伊拉克什叶派势力的联系日益加强,他们已在海湾地区形成了一股强大的什叶派宗教政治势力.在其影响下,周边其他逊尼派国家内部的什叶派民众纷纷要求扩大政治权力,逊尼派君主制国家政府也感到了什叶派神权思想反对君主制度的严峻压力.目前,正在日益兴起并标志着伊朗伊斯兰革命第二阶段的"什叶派新月带",已经改变了海湾地区什叶派长期遭受逊尼派压制的传统局面,并直接关系到拥有世界最大石油资源的海湾地区的安全秩序和政治前景.     

穆萨·萨德尔与黎什叶派

穆萨·萨德尔1928年出生在伊朗,1954～1957年在伊拉克求学,1959年来到黎巴嫩,成为黎巴嫩什叶派宗教和政治领袖,使什叶派进入黎巴嫩的权力中心,什叶派宗教领袖成为一种政治力量。可以说,他改变了黎巴嫩什叶派,也改变了黎巴嫩。     

教派主义与中东政治

伊斯兰教派的产生与不同人群在伊斯兰社会政治发展中的不同权力主张有着密切关系,其本身也对政治发展产生着重要影响。进入现代社会之后,特别是1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,教派主义的影响日益彰显。近年西亚北非的政治变局中,教派主义的概念更是被频频使用。本文通过对近年中东政治中教派主义因素进行系统分析,指出宗教既非中东地区安全问题的主要根源,也非治愈此问题的灵丹妙药。如把教派差异视为目前中东政治变局产生的主因,不仅不利于冲突的解决,反而会使所谓"逊尼派和什叶派的千年之争"成为真正的自我实现的预言。     

穆萨·萨德尔与黎什叶派

穆萨·萨德尔1928年出生在伊朗,1954～1957年在伊拉克求学,1959年来到黎巴嫩,成为黎巴嫩什叶派宗教和政治领袖,使什叶派进入黎巴嫩的权力中心,什叶派宗教领袖成为一种政治力量.可以说,他改变了黎巴嫩什叶派,也改变了黎巴嫩.     

教派主义与中东政治

伊斯兰教派的产生与不同人群在伊斯兰社会政治发展中的不同权力主张有着密切关系,其本身也对政治发展产生着重要影响.进入现代社会之后,特别是1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,教派主义的影响日益彰显.近年西亚北非的政治变局中,教派主义的概念更是被频频使用.本文通过对近年中东政治中教派主义因素进行系统分析,指出宗教既非中东地区安全问题的主要根源,也非治愈此问题的灵丹妙药.如把教派差异视为目前中东政治变局产生的主因,不仅不利于冲突的解决,反而会使所谓“逊尼派和什叶派的千年之争”成为真正的自我实现的预言.     

The sociology of late secularization: social divisions and religiosity

At the start of the twentieth century the religious differed from the religiously indifferent largely in being religious. Now they differ in a number of other social and demographic characteristics that reduce interaction between the two populations further than simple numbers would require. That some of the main carriers of religion are immigrants or adherents of recently imported faiths reinforces the sense that religion is what other people do. In the context of the stock of religious knowledge being depleted and religion‐taken‐too‐seriously being unpopular, the narrow demographic base of the religious makes conversion unlikely and thus makes the reversal of secularization unlikely.     

Patronage and secularization: social obligation and church support

As a contribution to our understanding of secularization in Britain, this paper examines the role of religious patronage. It illustrates nineteenth and early twentieth century support for the churches from rural landowners and major industrial employers, considers its benefits, and explains its rapid disappearance. The paper argues that the end of the expectation that high status individuals and major employers would actively promote organized religion is both significant evidence of secularization and a cause of further decline.     

Säkularisierung, Individualisierung oder Marktmodell?

The debates of the religious development in the last decades have uncovered the differences of the current theories of the sociology of religion. Most of them point out different explanations of the developments of religiosity and involvement in church in the unified Europe, often combined with a critique of the traditional dominant secularization theory. In the article on the hand, a quantitative analysis of the religious vitality in Europe, focused mainly on the macro-level, using a combination of a wide range of survey data, will be conducted. The results lead to the assumption, that the secularization theory should not be rejected too fast. But its general assumptions have to be framed in cultural context, to be useful for a continuing explanation of religious vitality in Europe. The cultural-historical influence of dominant religions, the political framework or results of political repression and processes of identity formation play important roles. Including these factors, it seems to be possible, to explain the differences in religious vitality in Europe. Especially, the conflicting effects of the framework of Eastern European religion are from special interest.     

Religion and Comparative Political Sociology

In the last decade, religious politics seemed to sweep the world. Calls have been issued for religion to regain its rightful place in the study of politics. We contend that the influence of religion on politics is hardly novel and that religious beliefs and organizations have had a profound effect on polities both in the developed democracies and in developing societies. Drawing widely on the comparative sociology of politics, we trace the role of religion in the generation of political attitudes and preferences, in the process of democratization, in the formation of interest organizations and confessional parties, and consider the contemporary debate concerning religious violence. We will demonstrate the importance of religion in inspiring political behavior, including both electoral and non-electoral politics, and in the shaping of political institutions and the regulatory framework surrounding the religious sphere. Our survey indicates that neither arguments concerning the secularization of polity and society nor for the recent return of religious fervor to politics is persuasive. Religion is, and has been, fundamental to modern politics.     

Deinstitutionalisierung des Religiösen und Religiöse Individualisierung in Ost- und Westdeutschland

Luckmann’s thesis of “invisible religion” which is based on religious individualization attracts great attention within the field of sociology of religion in the German speaking countries. It states that religion currently is not loosing social relevance, but that current religious changes are characterized by processes of religious individualization in which subjectively constructed, syncretistic, and non-institutionalized systems of ultimate meaning are replacing traditional Christian religious forms. Thus, the thesis contradicts the theory of secularization processes. On the basis of two surveys carried out by the authors, the paper looks for empirical evidence to support this thesis. Three dimensions of religion are distinguished: traditional church affiliation, individual Christian religiosity, and non-church religiosity. Additionally, an individualization index is constructed. The analysis shows that processes of de-institutionalization of religion can be observed, but forms of nonchurch or non-Christian religiosity do not constitute serious alternatives to church adherence and Christian religiosity. Secularization and religious individualization are not two diametrically opposed processes. The trend towards secularization is prevailing in Germany and the tendencies towards religious individualization are components of this pre-dominant trend.     

Sociology Dismissing Religion? The Presentation of Religious Change in Introductory Sociology Textbooks

This paper explores whether the field of sociology harbors a dismissive attitude towards religion. Specifically it examines whether introductory sociology textbooks present the classic secularization theory over the more recent religious economies explanation of religious change. The classical secularization thesis suggests that religion is declining in importance in modern societies and may disappear completely. The religious economies perspective proposes that religion has actually become more influential and dynamic over time. While both theories are well represented in the sociology of religion literature, we explore whether generalist sociology textbooks reflect this reality. This article provides a content analysis of 31 introductory sociology textbooks published between 2003 and 2006. We assess the presence and promotion of the above theories in these textbooks. Our analysis reveals that 20 (65%) of the 31 textbooks in our study present only secularization theory, while seven (23%) of the textbooks cover both secularization theory and religious economies theory. We assess the ramifications of such a lopsided arrangement and conclude by encouraging a more open dialogue on this issue.     

POLARIZATION,SECULARIZATION, OR DIFFERENCES AS USUAL? The Denominational Cleavage in U.S. Social Attitudes Since the 1970s

Scholarly debates over modernization and social change in the late twentieth century have raised far-reaching questions about the possible consequences for religious group conflict and differences in behavior, identity, and opinion. Three general theoretical interpretations—polarization, secularization, and stable influence—have been asserted in the relevant literatures, yet which interpretation might best capture the effects of religious group memberships during the past three decades remains unresolved. We seek to advance research and debate on the changing influence of religion by investigating questions about the magnitude of, and trends in, religious groups differences in attitudes toward issues relating to gender, abortion, and sexuality during the past three decades. Building from past research, our analyses make use of three innovations: we apply a new typology of religious group memberships; we evaluate main versus interaction effect models to gauge evidence of change in the magnitude of religious influence; and we use indices that enable comparisons of the magnitude of group-based differences in attitudes across distinct issues and over time. Of the seven different issues we analyze, two reveal evidence of growing group-based differences, while the remaining five are characterized by a pattern of stability. We discuss the significance of these results for understanding limits of secularization theory, considering in conclusion how our results contribute to ongoing debate over the effects of religious group memberships.     

Religiosity as a predictor of students' political attitudes

This paper analyzes the relationship between students' level of actual religiosity and their sociodemographic characteristics, political orientation, and political attitudes. The paper is based on an online survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N = 624) in 2021. The vast majority of our respondents (90%) received the three holy sacraments of initiation in their early childhood and attended Catholic religious education at school. The explanation of the significantly less actual religiosity of students is approached from the position of Pickel's contextualized theory of secularization. Relying on Voas and Day, a composite variable distinguishes highly religious students, moderately religious students, weakly religious students, and non-religious students on the basis of the respondents' positioning toward religious self-identification, beliefs, Church attendance, and the importance of religion in one's life. Statistically significant correlations between actual religiosity and political orientation were established. Very religious Catholic students, who are the least numerous and the least homogenous category, are more inclined to right-wing political orientation and reject ethno-nationalism/anti-multiculturalism less and accept clericalism more than other categories of students. In a broader sense, this study reveals that a large number of respondents distance themselves from religion and the Church at student age despite their experience of formal religious socialization at school age. Furthermore, the results suggest that the synergy of the liberalizing effect of education and the tolerant sociocultural atmosphere of an area reduces the influence of religiosity on the political attitudes and orientation of students.     

Conservative Catholicism versus social Catholicism? Contrasting patterns in the political engagement of highly religious young Catholics in France and Italy

Current academic literature has proposed contrasting interpretations of the developments of youth religiosity. While some scholars have claimed increasing secularization of younger generations, others have noted the growing importance of religious values in young people's lives. To go beyond this debate, this article explores the restructuring of youth religiosity in Western European countries, characterized by the resilience of religion in secularized societies. With this purpose in mind, the article investigates the under-researched topic of the political activism of highly religious young Catholics and compares the political engagement of two recently established youth organizations: Sens Commun (SC) (rebranded Mouvement Conservateur, MC) in France and the Comunità di Connessioni (CdC) in Italy. Although both SC and CdC were founded by young Catholics, their engagement has followed diverging trajectories. While SC/MC's ideas and politics bear the imprint of conservative Catholicism, CdC's initiatives and values are inspired by social Catholicism. This article claims that the diverging trajectories of SC/MC and CdC are influenced by the long-lasting socio-historical factors that regulated the relations between religion, politics and civil society and the emerging post-secular reconfiguration that can open the way for a renewal of the forms of political engagement of young Catholics.