草根动员与农民群体利益的表达机制——四个个案的比较研究

本文首先提出研究农民群体利益的表达机制是事关社会稳定和社会和谐的一个重大问题,然后从一个特定的角度——草根动员——来切入对这个问题的分析。作者通过四个个案的比较研究,突破了西方社会运动研究范式与印度底层社会研究范式在有组织的精英场域与无组织的底层场域之间的简单对立;作者拓展了对“依法抗争”概念的理解,并批判了国内目前流行的农民群体利益表达已进入“以法抗争”新阶段的观点。作者认为草根行动者是一个既不完全认同于精英、也不完全代表底层,而是有着自身独特行动目标和逻辑的行动者。草根行动者所进行的草根动员,使农民群体利益表达机制在表达方式的选择上具有权宜性,在组织上具有双重性,在政治上具有模糊性。草根动员既是一个动员参与的过程,同时也是一个进行理性控制并适时结束群体行动的过程。     

叙利亚:“棋子”国家的悲哀

2011年叙利亚危机爆发,挑动了全世界的神经,国际社会主要参与者几乎都深浅不同地牵涉其中,特别是美、俄在叙利亚问题上的斗法,扣人心弦.2013年8月,出现导致叙国内1400多人死亡的"化武事件"后,围绕叙利亚的博弈更是达到高潮.放眼世界,有内战的国家并不少,但很多都没有像叙利亚这样在国际社会激起巨浪.为什么叙利亚如此吸引眼球,全世界都为之躁动不安呢?     

浅析叙利亚危机及其未来走向

2011年,突尼斯、埃及、利比亚和也门的强人政府相继倒台。在这场"中东波"的冲击下,叙利亚巴沙尔政府也岌岌可危。叙利亚危机持续了三年多仍然久拖未决主要是内外因素相互作用的结果。在国内,这次危机已由一场民众追求自由、民主的政治活动转变为一场教派和世俗力量的斗争;在外部,各国势力在叙利亚展开地缘政治博弈,使原本就很复杂的局势更加迷雾重重。中东"心脏"叙利亚的局势朝何方向发展,关系到整个中东地区的稳定和格局的未来。     

试论叙利亚的族群、教派与地域忠诚问题

叙利亚的族群、教派、地域忠诚问题一直是影响叙利亚国内政治的重要问题。由于它的形成原因包括地缘政治、族群教派的地域集中、伊斯兰逊尼派与其他族群和教派的矛盾、法国委任统治时期及复兴党统治时期的民族政策等多方面因素,因而是个复杂的历史性问题。它具有三个主要特点:族群、教派和地域忠诚本身容易重叠,且与部落联系紧密;族群、教派和地域团体有时会与经济阶层重叠;军队对族群、教派、地域忠诚影响至深等。     

青年精英的地位获得(摘要)

城镇社会中的精英选择机制正在发生根本性的转变。文化资格正在成为最重要的精英选择标准。当然，只要再分配体制在城镇社会中保留着主导地位，那么政治性选择标准仍然将发挥作用。就目前而言，由于市场系统在城镇社会经济生活中还处于次要地位，所以私营企业主或高收入群体远还不能算是城镇企业结构中的精英群体，这一群体未来的社会位置或是否能成为社会精英集团的一部分可能将取决于两个因素：源于干部群体的流入者比例，或者再分配系统与市场系统的主次地位变化。根据我们对私营企业主和高收入群体的家庭出身背景和个人获致特征的研究，…     

青年志愿组织资本积累的三种机制

社会资本在我国志愿组织本土化发展道路上起到至关重要的作用,社会资本的成功积累是志愿组织发展壮大的关键因素。结构、关系与认知是创立组织社会资本的三个维度,青年志愿组织在成长发展过程中网络维度、信任维度、规范维度的社会资本不断积累,组织的自我治理能力不断增强,而推动社会资本积累、组织不断发展的动力机制包括精英动员机制、自组织机制、互惠交换机制。     

和谐社会目标下的环境友好型社会

1．环境友好型社会是构建和谐社会的重要实践 20世纪六七十年代西方发达国家爆发了局部环境危机，他们为“经济增长等于一切”、“先污染后治理”付出了代价。当生态环境危机爆发并严重影响各国经济、社会、政治发展时，环境治理思路才开始向“源头和过程控制”转变，清洁生产应时而生。1992年在联合国里约环发大会《21世纪议程》中，正式提出了“环境友好”概念。90年代中后期，“环境友好技术”、“环境友好产品与服务”、“环境友好企业”等概念相继出现。     

国际社会打击“伊斯兰国”组织的态势评估

"伊斯兰国"组织的崛起是中东地区内部和外部多重因素共同作用的结果。国际社会在打击"伊斯兰国"组织的行动中,各国之间的博弈很大程度上制约着打击效果,美俄在叙利亚反恐行动中的博弈、地区反恐中的土耳其因素、欧洲国家在叙利亚问题上的博弈、叙利亚内战及反恐局势的变动、地区教派矛盾等均对国际反恐合作产生了不同程度的消极影响。由于国际社会在叙利亚政局走向及地区反恐问题上仍存在深刻分歧,尽管当前"伊斯兰国"组织的整体力量呈现下降趋势,但彻底消灭该组织仍将是长期的过程。     

俄罗斯对中东国家的军事外交

冷战时期,中东地区是美苏对抗的重要地区。苏联解体后,综合国力下降的俄罗斯逐渐失去了在中东的影响力。"阿拉伯之春"爆发前,俄罗斯在中东地区的存在大多以"调解人"和"中立者"的角色出现,经济和安全利益是俄罗斯在该地区追求的主要目标。随着叙利亚危机和乌克兰危机的爆发与加剧,俄罗斯面临的政治、安全环境不断恶化,促使俄罗斯的中东政策出现重大转变。俄罗斯力图从中东地区中立的劝和调解者向把握事态发展方向的参与者和塑造者转变。俄罗斯通过与中东国家开展军事外交和联合反恐行动,打破了美国在中东地区的武力垄断。军事外交成为俄罗斯摆脱政治经济危机、捍卫国家利益的特殊手段,其效果既有助于叙利亚危机的政治解决,又巩固了普京在国内的执政基础。     

义务与职业之间：以色列“人民军队”模式及其变革

基于义务兵役制度及预备役制度的实行,以色列国防军被视作“人民军队”且具有特殊地位,在以色列军政关系的形成过程中发挥了重要作用。受安全环境、经济压力、社会思潮、科学技术发展等因素影响,以色列国防军日渐处于以色列政治舞台与社会舆论的中心,“人民军队”模式开始面临挑战并受到质疑。以色列国防军“人民军队”模式的改革涉及兵役项目、兵役时长及兵役人群等三个维度。由于不同改革维度中所涉行动者不同、互动方式不一,这一模式整体变革进度出现不同步性和不协调性,变革中的专业化与精英化要快于社会化,“人民军队”的原有结构不再稳定,出现义务兵役与预备役群体缩小、常备军规模扩大的趋势,旧有军政互动模式面临危机。以色列的兵役制度虽未经历断裂式的大幅度改革,却在不断进行渐进式的调整,为研究兵役制度的发展与走向提供了新的视角。     

The Social Foundations of Latin America's Recurrent Populism: Problems of Popular Sector Class Formation and Collective Action

The article is an attempt to offer a 'bottom-up' explanation of political instability in Latin America by examining patterns of class formation in the region. It argues that the heterogeneous class structure characterizing the popular sectors creates collective action problems that historically have resulted in popular sector mobilization by populist elites, if not apathy or civil war. The possibility of an alternative basis for popular sector mobilization that is more favorable to democratic consolidation is explored on the basis of a neo-Marxist interpretation of class formation. By incorporating variables dealing with the state and the nature of civil society that are not directly related to the relationship of individuals or groups to the means of production, an effort is made to outline the basis of a new popular sector collective identity which offers a totalizing synthesis of this social heterogeneity. Some of the implications of this are briefly discussed in a concluding section.     

The unknown refugee crisis: expulsion of the ethnic Lhotsampa from Bhutan

Bhutan has been strained by ethnic conflict. The Lhotsampa, one of the three largest ethnic groups, have sought a system of equality under which they would be allocated what they need as an equitable share of Bhutan's polity and economy. The ruling Drukpa elites perceived the Lhotsampa as a threat to their dominance and initiated policies to oppress or force out the Lhotsampa and others through ethnic cleansing. Bhutan's ethnic conflict and the refugee crisis it has produced are the outcome of ethnonationalism clothed in the slogan of ‘One Nation, One People’, and the contrived mechanisation of the ruling elites. The policies of these elites have effectively disenfranchised people who were born in Bhutan and have lived there for generations as citizens, for no other reason than their ethnicity. This is an issue not just for the Lhotsampa of Bhutan but also for any groups at the receiving end of an ethnically repressive order. The Lhotsampa case illustrates some characteristics of human‐rights violations in situations of ethnic strife.     

叙利亚危机的媒体话语与话语政治分析

叙利亚危机持续三年多,受到了全球媒体的关注。本文以叙利亚、美国、俄罗斯和中国四个国家主要媒体2013年8月至11月对叙利亚危机的报道为语料,从话语分析和话语政治视角探讨话语选择背后的权力和意识形态动因,考察不同意识形态的国家媒体如何从各自立场和利益出发,对同一社会现实进行不同的话语建构,从而揭示出同一事件蕴藏的媒体话语之间的博弈与意识形态之间的竞争。本研究是基于五层次话语政治分析框架的案例分析和实证研究,可以为中国政府的中东战略和对外话语体系建构提供参考。     

The crisis communication preparedness of nonprofit organizations: The case of German interest groups

A national survey of German interest groups showed that these nonprofit organizations are substantially lacking crisis preparations. Less than one third use crisis plans, crisis management teams, or crisis scenarios. In terms of web-based crisis communication, nonprofit organizations primarily relied on traditional forms of online communication for crisis response. Organizational experience with crises, the general status of the public relations function, as well as the crisis communication expertise of practitioners were positively related to the degree of crisis preparedness of these interest groups.     

Mobilizing Voluntary Associations into a Social Movement: The Case of Environmental Quality*

The mobilization behavior of voluntary associations in a community was studied to explain why some organizations were successfully recruited into the environmental quality movement and others were not. Analysis of a random sample of 209 community organizations in a midwest urban area showed that approximately half were mobilized into supporting the environmental quality movement. Hypotheses on the effects of goal overlap, organizational resources, and position in the multi-organizational field were tested. The significant factors were the size of the manpower base, the leader's personal mobilization into the environmental quality movement and the allocation of social responsibility among community groups for solving local pollution probems. The last factor—the acceptance or rejection of group responsibility for working for the collective good—emerged as the most important explanatory factor. Thirty-one percent of the variance in the mobilization of organizational interest and 22 percent of the variance in the mobilization of group activity was explained.     

美国犹太教“极化”进程中的以色列因素

自20世纪末以来,美国犹太教正统派和非正统派之间呈现出明显的“极化”趋势,以色列是加剧这一“极化”进程的“分化剂”。以色列在全球犹太人中“精神中心”地位的凸显、全球化时代流散地犹太人群体对以色列关联的增强以及不同宗派群体在对以关联中的地位差异,导致以色列成为美国犹太教不同宗派间竞争的关键“战场”。籍由此种紧密但不平衡的关联,以色列的社会政治冲突和“极化”得以“外溢”至美国犹太人群体。美国犹太教不同宗派以“受邀”或“回旋镖”模式卷入以色列社会政治的纷争。进入21世纪以来,右倾化和“民主危机”使以色列犹太人正统派在身份认同、政党归属和政策倾向等方面与美国正统派犹太人趋近,同时却更加疏远非正统派群体。日趋右倾化的以色列加剧了美国犹太教不同宗派间的“身份冲突”。     

社会阶层与民事纠纷的解决——转型时期中国的社会分化与法治发展

本文利用2005年中国综合社会调查数据(CGSS2005),描述并分析中国人是否卷入民事纠纷并采取行动,以及如何行动的决定因素。我们特别关注的是社会阶层属性的影响力。研究表明,中国不同的社会阶层在对民事纠纷如何反应上存在着显著的差异。统治精英相对来说更少依赖政府渠道而更多诉诸法律途径来解决纠纷。中下层社会阶层成员更多地信赖政府渠道,把日常纠纷诉诸政府。没有确凿证据表明中产阶级更多地利用法律解决民事纠纷。此外,教育也是决定人们如何对民事纠纷采取行动的重要因素:受过更多教育的人,更少把问题诉诸政府渠道而更多地把纠纷诉诸法律途径。基于这些经验研究,我们进一步探讨了转型时期中国社会分化的法律涵义,并认为对中产阶级兴起的法治意义应当抱谨慎的乐观态度。     

Theories of collective action and the Iranian revolution

Most analyses of the collective actions that led to the Iranian revolution rest upon one of two classical models: social breakdown or social movement. These explanations emphasize such factors as the politicization of recently uprooted migrants, the growth of a new middle class opposing autocracy, the authority of the clergy, and specific aspects of Shiite Islam. Conflicts of interest, capacity for mobilization, coalition formation, and the structure of opportunities that shaped the collective actions of various groups and classes are ignored or downplayed. This paper argues that mobilization and collective action against the monarchy resulted from the adverse effects of state development policies on bazaaris, industrial workers, white-collar employees, and professionals. Bazaaris' mobilization provided an opportunity for other social groups and classes to oppose the government. A coalition of disparate interests, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, brought down the monarchy.Iran's two major twentieth-century revolutions, and especially the second, appear so aberrant. They do not fit very closely widespread ideas of what modern revolutions should be like. Yet there is no doubt that the Islamic revolution in 1978–79 provided a thoroughgoing overthrow of the old political, social, and ideological order (Keddie, 1983:580).     

Rethinking Political Elites' Mass-Linkage Strategies: Lessons from the Study of Indira Gandhi's Political Habitus

In this article, I critique available elite-mass linkage theories that depict elites either as structurally determined or rational actors. Taking cues from Bourdieu's political field theory, I argue that elites' mass-linkage strategies are a product of their point of view on politics structured by their trajectory in historically specific structures of politics. I demonstrate my argument by documenting shifts in the mass-linkage strategies of Indira Gandhi, one of the most influential leaders of postcolonial India. The general lesson to be drawn from this study is that it is important to examine political elites' past mass-linkage experiences in historically specific conditions of the political structure in order to explain their current choices of mass-linkage strategies.     

Leading the debate for the business case for gender equality,perilous for whom?

This research examines how the framing of the business case for gender equality (BCGE) in the European Union (EU) translates in the Irish national context and how different actors have engaged with this framing exercise. A central concern is how gender knowledge is mobilized by different actors as they compete to shape discourse, policy and practice on gender equality. We draw upon theoretical work that has interrogated the relationship between neoliberalism, gender inequality and feminist mobilization before reviewing critical assessments of the BCGE. The primary focus of this paper, having mapped this theoretical debate, is to analyse the role different Irish actors and organizations play in reproducing key frames and to examine the ambiguous or ambivalent engagement of different interest groups with this agenda. In turn, we assess the degree to which the agenda enables or disables structural change in access to power. We explore three case studies through which the BCGE in the EU was reinforced, adapted, resisted and rejected in our discussions, and draw out the constraints, opportunities and outcomes in each. Our first case study, which sets the national context for the following case studies, reviews how the Irish state interacts with the EU to frame gender equality and how it partners with key actors (state feminism and femocrats, private actors and feminist actors) to advance the BCGE. The second case study examines the role of the leading Irish feminist civil society organization (CSO) in the Women on Boards campaign that reinforces the dominant instrumental discourse associated with EU and national framing of gender parity on boards, and the ambiguity of feminists about this campaign. The third case study examines how Irish financial elites symbolically engage with gender parity on boards while simultaneously seeking to veto the implementation of gender representation targets proposed in the EU Capital Directive. It is clear that a degree of instrumentality informs most actors’ framing of BCGE. We also find evidence of how power actors and financial elites, while rhetorically engaging in BCGE and employing it when relevant to develop reputational capital, will seek ultimately to protect the status quo rejecting the governance benefits implied in BCGE. Ultimately, our cases illustrate the potential of the BCGE to support the inclusion of women in governance structures yet demonstrate that engaging with BCGE is perilous for some.