回族女性市民化身份转型与就业困境研究——以宁夏惠农区银河苑社区为例

惠农区银河苑是宁夏"十二五"移民搬迁安置建成的劳务移民社区,社区居民由农民向市民转型过程中遇到了诸多的就业困难。在这个回族约占60%的社区中,回族女性劳务移民就业现状更不乐观,已就业者的就业领域主要集中在"次属劳动力市场",此外还有大量未就业或未充分就业者。造成这种情况的原因主要是传统性别角色分工在城市的延续、民族文化与现代企业文化的冲突、劳动技能低导致的就业渠道窄、城市文化适应过程中的心理障碍和就业观念的乡土性等。解决少数民族农牧业转移人口市民化过程中的就业问题需要全社会的共同参与,政府应该采取更个性化的培训措施,用人单位要主动承担社会责任吸纳他们就业,其他社会组织应为少数民族农牧业转移人口就业与创业提供相应的支持条件。     

呼和浩特市区的民族迁移与居住格局

本文综合运用历史文献、统计分析、实地调查等方法，对呼和浩特自建城至今蒙、满、回、汉四族的迁移与居住格局及其演化进行了系统研究。本文研究结果表明，就历史而言，土默特蒙古族是原住民族，汉、满、回为迁移民族。民族居住格局在清中叶基本定型，此后己不能把后边几个民族看作移民。其他部蒙古族尤其是内蒙东部区蒙古族在２０世纪５０年代后大量迁入。民国前居住格局基本按民族分区居住，辛亥至５０年代初为分区居住到杂居过渡阶段，５０年代至今总体上为杂居格局，只有回族还有相对集中的居住区。从迁移与居住的关系上说，以前是由日积月累的民族迁移而形成一定的居住格局，辛亥以后特别是８０年代以后，则逐渐转变为由一定的居住格局影响民族迁移。由于居住格局的不断调整，各民族的市内迁移也不断发生，使原来各族“大聚居小杂居”的格局，演化为“小聚居大杂居”的格局，而且这一过程仍在进行中。本文认为，杂居固然利于扩大民族交往，但聚居同样使民族关系和睦，而且杂居对各少数民族的文化适应也有程度不同的影响。民族杂居主要是城市化和单位制的副产品。邻居关系和朋友关系往往超越于民族关系。这大概是我国第一个多民族城市社区史系统研究的篇章。     

留在乡土上反而是幸运的

少数民族骨干生来自基础教育资源比较贫乏的民族地区,在学习、成长的过程中他们每个人都曾经历过在大城市和农村之间做抉择的挣扎,有一句话说的就是"回不去的农村,融不进的城市"。乡土社会不仅有着维系少数民族骨干学生天然的情感、文化和社会资源,而且孕育了他们反哺家乡的责任感和使命感,所以留在乡土上反而是幸运的。完善少数民族骨干计划的培养方案、就业配套措施,是少数民族骨干学生服务家乡的诉求,也是少数民族骨干学生回到地方的动力。     

发展新时期先进的少数民族文化

中国文化,是以多民族文化共同组成的民族文化体系。中国共产党代表各民族的共同利益,代表整个中华民族先进文化的前进方向,自然也代表少数民族先进文化的前进方向。积极引导少数民族先进文化朝着正确的方向前进,不但对少数民族和民族地区的发展进步有直接关系,而且对各民族和睦团结,国家长治久安具有重要意义。在当代中国,发展先进文化,就是发展面向现代化、面向世界、面向未来的、民族的科学的大众的社会主义文化,以不断丰富人们的精神世界,增强人们的精神力量。中国的少数民族文化是中华民族文化的组成部分,是各少数民族在历史发展过程中…     

迈向高原移民与文化交融的历程——王志强、俞丽娟著《青藏历史移民与民族文化的变迁》评介

移民是指人口在空间分布上变动的现象,人口的迁移在时间维度上来说是与人类社会发展相同步的,而这种流动的地理空间,对于一个国家和地区的建设,具有不可忽视的意义. 青藏高原自古就是中原文化与边疆文化的交汇之地,是古代东西文化、农牧文化交流的实际操作平台,被誉为“中华民族历史文化多样性的活化石地区”.高原文化从一开始就不是隔绝的封闭的文化,而是一种开放的与周边地域互相依存共同发展的外向型文化.从青藏高原民族文化的历史进程看,高原人口的深层结构是以多元的移民为文化底色的.今天生活在高原上的汉族、蒙古族、土族、回族、撒拉族、东乡族、保安族、裕固族等,这些民族无一不是以各种原因迁徙而来的.历史也证明,高原社会最为繁荣的几个历史时期,也是少数民族社会生活最为活跃、最为强盛的年代.而文化地理学的研究证明“世界屋脊”上的文化是一个具有多重性的复合文化,呈现出渗透性和包容性特征.历史上,不论何种原因导致的移民,其传统文化都要随着迁移发生变化,对其自身与迁入地都将产生全面而深刻的影响与冲击.哈贝马斯更是指出,不同民族的兴起和消失,都是“在文化的流变过程之中”进行的[1].     

中国边远少数民族地区经济发展的特点和问题

中国的宪法说,中华人民共和国是一个“统一的多民族国家”。除了占人口94％的汉族之外,这个国家还有许多少数民族。中国少数民族很多,而且这些少数民族之间存在着极大的差别。他们所居住的地区的自然环境以及他们在经济、社会和文化方面的风俗习惯都有不同。总的来说,这些少数民族在经济和技术方面不如汉族发达。因此,汉族自以为在文化方面优于其他民族或者说比其他民族更文明,因而常常表现出毛主席所说的那种“大汉族主     

魏晋南北朝时期宁夏多民族交融及其特点

魏晋南北朝时期是中国历史上第二次民族融合的高峰。由于地理位置的特殊性，宁夏成为众多少数民族活动的场所。匈奴、鲜卑、羯、氐、羌等民族借西晋王室衰微之机，以迁移、战争等方式在西北地区建立地方割据政权，不同程度控制宁夏地区，客观上促进了当地民族交融。这一时期，宁夏民族交融的方式主要有民族迁徙、民族战争、移民兴屯、统治者的自我革新和政治改革、经济文化往来，民族交融呈现出的特点主要为民族融合促使“夷夏之别”民族观念改变、民族融合推动宁夏政治经济发展、民族融合具有双向性。     

藏舞的在地化：城市民族文化的交往、发展及其文化生态壁龛——基于成都市双流区的田野调查

少数民族优秀文化艺术是中华民族文化的瑰宝。伴随着甘孜藏族人口向双流迁移,藏舞由甘孜藏族铭记家乡的“地域性”文化实践,逐步发展为甘孜藏族“跨地域”的民族文化现象,并最终成为多民族共舞的城市文化活动与公共文化事务。藏舞的参与人员、舞姿、功能、内涵等方面均发生了改变,在城市实现了在地化的发展。中华民族内部各民族文化具有相似性的历史文化条件、各民族主动交往的民族关系以及地方政府与各族居民“文化合谋”的现实社会环境,共同建构起藏舞在地化发展的“文化生态壁龛”。新的藏舞是城市各民族文化交往交流交融的现实成果,也是沟通各民族之间的文化实体,对于推动我国基层社区民族团结创建工作及铸牢各民族的中华民族共同体意识具有重要作用。     

叙事:尴尬中的坚守与拓建——新时期少数民族长篇力作民族志书写特征探析

新时期少数民族长篇小说创作者用饱蘸民族情感的笔触,深入挖掘民族历史文化遗存,并予以当代观照.透过少数民族长篇小说,可以洞见其民族志书写特征,这不但表现在物质文化和精神文化层面,还表现在小说的叙事层面.少数民族作家在叙事困境中矛盾挣扎与突围拓建的艰辛历程,构成了一种动态的民族志记录,这作为少数民族长篇小说中又一具有民族志意义的书写特征,凸现出独特的价值与意义.     

美国黑人社区的朝鲜商人——偏见受害者之间的偏见

导言民族与民族关系学家多年来所致力研究的主要是多数民族与少数民族之间的关系。然而在最近,他们对少数民族群体之间的冲突的研究,尤其是对1965年颁布的《移民法》废除了移民的民族限额之后.随着新的非白人移民大量涌入美国而引起的黑人与其他少数民族群体之间的冲突的研究,已经开始表现出更大的兴趣。这些新的民族与美国社会的融合过程不是一帆风顺的。在某些情况下,少数民族群体之间的冲突变得非常严峻,尤其是当他们在同一     

民族文化多样性背景下的民族预科语文教育

民族预科最突出的特点之一是民族性,民族性表现在民族文化的多样性。保持好文化的多样性,传承发扬优秀民族文化,促进各民族文化均衡发展意义重大。语文教育是挖掘、弘扬、传承、传播民族文化重要途径,是保护文化多样性的重要手段。本文从民族预科文化多样性、民族预科语文教育对保持民族文化多样性的作用、保持文化多样性的语文教育实践等方面,探讨了在少数民族文化多样性背景下,民族预科语文教育改革的问题。     

四川民族自治地方非物质文化遗产保护现状与保护策略

一直以来四川民族自治地方开展了具有一定广度和深度的非物质文化遗产保护工作,逐渐形成了国家、省、市（州）、县四级非物质文化遗产代表性名录保护体系。非物质文化遗产保护的＂后申报时期＂,四川民族自治地方应力争实现民族自治地方文化资源与优势资源结合、民族文化资源带动经济发展方式的深刻转变,探索非物质文化遗产保护常态化、产业化、多元化、专业化、制度化的发展策略和制度支撑。     

云南少数民族老年妇女经济保障的结构性脆弱——社会性别视角

I. The current situation of ethnic minority women’ s economic security One of the most prominent problems faced by the international community is how to ensure the e-conomic security of the elderly, and how to help those elderly people who have lost the ability to work to be properly cared for. According to Yang Shijie’s investigation, 75% of the poor population in Yunnan are ethnic minorities, and of this fig-ure, minority women are more impoverished than men. 1 . The poverty rate in Yunnan is a little bit higher than the national average poverty level. Although Yunnan’s economic indicators have made considerable progress, they have yet to reach the national average because of the province’s ho-mogenous industrial structure, low level of indus-trialization, and high proportion of resource indus-tries. The average wage of workers in Yunnan is only 85. 85% of the national average wage, and the poverty rate is higher than the national aver-age. 2 . There is a significant number of elderly women without pensions, and their poverty rate is high in Yunnan. Due to the dual urban-rural structure of the social and economic system, as well as the design issues related to the social pension security system connected with employment, the number of elderly women without pensions is quite significant in Chi-
na. In ethnic minority areas, only 24. 12% of peo-ple over the age of 60 have a pension, among them, the number of women is considerably lower than for men, accounting for only 10%. Elderly women from ethnic minorities are further excluded from the social pension security system. Only a small population of elderly ethnic women enjoy the benefits of the system, and their average monthly pension is significantly lower than that of the men. Compared with elderly men, elderly women rely more on other members of the family. 3 . The high rate of widowhood brings difficul-ties to the elderly. According to a sampling survey of 10% of the national population in 2010 , the widower ratio is 29. 55%, and widow ratio is 70. 45% among eth-nic minorities aged over 60 . Ethnic minority women devote more energy to unpaid housework in their youth and middle age, and their chances of finding employment are low. This means they normally de-pend on their spouse when they become old, how-ever, the loss of their spouse makes them even poorer, and increases their risk of falling into pov-erty. 4 . The ethnic minority women ’s property rights are difficult to be protected. Because of the influence of outmoded feudal i-deas in the ethnic minority villages, women gener-ally have no right to inherit property. For example, among the Pumi, property is inherited by the men, and women generally have no right to inherit. The
case is the same with the Naxi ethnicity. In the in-heritance systems of the ethnic minority people in Yunnan, wives rarely have the right of inherit-ance;the custom of“passing property to the men, but not the women” is still quite prevalent. If the husband dies, the wife will not only find it difficult to inherit her husband’s property, but may also lose her own property, including land rights. This leads to a low rate of property ownership among widows. II. Analysis of the causes of vulnerability of the gender structure 1 . Cultural lag American sociologist W. F. Ogburn was the first to use this concept, which refers to the time lag between material culture and non - material culture in the course of social change. Generally speaking, change in material culture occurs faster than in non -material culture, and they are not synchronized, so there is a gap between them. Ethnic minority women in Yunnan have been af-fected by the patrilineal system up to the present day, which influences the thought and behavior of all ethnic groups, and gradually builds a psycho-logical barrier in the ethnic women’ s minds, con-straining their talent and creativity. Yunnan is lo-cated in China’s southwest frontier region, and the ethnic minorities live in remote and isolated moun-tainous areas, where the concept of the low status of women is ingrained, and thus not easily changed. 2 . The cumulative effect of education and em-ployment Compared with boys, there are different edu-cational expectations on or investments in the girls in the social culture, which brings disadvantages to women looking for employment of in their youth and middle age. Because they can generally only involve themselves in housework, it is not possible for them to accumulate employment experiences, and this leads to a negative economic status when they become old. 1) Low level of education. Due to the tradi-tional influence of “valuing sons over daughters”,
the number of ethnic minority women who have not attended school is significantly higher than that of men; the number of ethnic minority women who have never received an education is more than twice as high as the number of men. The phenome-non of early marriage and childbearing in ethnic minority areas is still prominent. Due to the influ-ence of early marriage culture, the girls do not generally wish to receive a higher education. Addi-tionally, because of the development of tourism, girls tend to drop out of school very early and in-volve themselves in business or becoming tour guides. All these factors lead to ethnic minority women’s lower level of education. Because they do not receive a higher, or even elementary educa-tion, women’s lives are concentrated around the family and housework. 2 ) Devotion to housework. The elderly ethnic minority women not only have to take part in agri-cultural production, but they also have to take care of the “left-behind” children whose parents have left to work in urban areas. For instance, De’ang women play an important role in family, social and economic activities; they have to bear the load of heavy housework every day, including carrying wa-ter, collecting firewood, cooking, feeding pigs, cattle and children, weaving, washing clothes and farming. The Bulang women, together with the men, have created the ancient Bulang culture, and women play the role of “main tentpole” in the housework and farming. According to our investi-gations of the Yi in Chuxiong of Yunnan province, Yi women spend on average over six hours each day on housework, and most men almost never par-ticipate in housework. 3 ) Unemployment or low paid occupation. Ethnic minority women’s degree of participation in social labor is low, however, their housework du-ties are taken for granted, and not recognized by the wider society, so their labor value is underesti-mated, even ignored. Due to their low level of ed-ucation and contribution to unpaid housework, a lot of ethnic minority women are unemployed. E-
ven though a small number of them are in employ-ment, their jobs are concentrated in the low in-come industries, and few of them are supported by social insurance. 3 . Traditional gender roles in the division of labor Because of the traditional gender roles in the division of labor, the social expectations for the women’s role is still family-centered. This means women have to bear a lot of housework duties and child rearing responsibilities. Due to women’s spe-cial physiological characteristics, women have a double burden: the responsibility of human pro-duction and social production. However, under the influence of gender inequality, women who have made great contributions to the development of so-ciety and humanity have been subjected to unfair treatment. Their contribution is regarded as a bur-den unique to women or indeed the women’s natu-ral weakness, and can even become a discrimina-tory factor in employment and promotion—this is a great injustice to women. In summary, it seems that the structure of the fragility of elderly ethnic minority women is a sim-ply an issue of sex difference, but it essentially re-flects the social system and conceptual culture of“valuing sons over daughters” which is ingrained in the minority areas, and is an issue of gender in-equality. III. Countermeasures and suggestions The elderly ethnic minority women are a spe-cial group in China’s aging population. This group shows a structural vulnerability due to such as in-fluences of ethnicity and regional location, eco-nomic conditions, educational level, marital sta-tus. From the perspective of social gender, this paper studies the economic security status of ethnic aged women, analyzes the problems of economic security for this group, and puts forward some poli-cy recommendations for improving the economic se-curity situation of the elderly women in ethnic mi-nority areas. 1 . The state should increase investment in tye economic development of ethnic minority areas in order to provide more jobs and solve the problem of employment of women. Economic development in the minority areas could provide adequate economic security to improve the living conditions of the eld-erly women in those areas. 2 . The concept of gender equality needs to be strengthened. Women should enjoy equal rights in education, and equal employment opportunities as men, as well as equal rights in the husband-wife relationship. In addition, we cannot simply take each gender as exactlythe same, but should under-stand the psychological and physiological difference between men and woman, and pursue gender e-quality in terms of society, personality, opportuni-ties, and rights. 3 . National policy should afford some recogni-tion to women and their capacity for childbirth. Due to physiological factors, women have to take the responsibility of childbirth and feeding the child, however, they also have to work . Women’s contributions to the family will inevitably lead to their inferior position in terms of social professional competition. Therefore, when policies are drawn up, the physiological characteristics of men and women should be considered, moreover, gender awareness and gender equality should be a part of various policies. 4 . Policies should protect women’s employ-ment rights, and ethnic minority areas should en-courage women to go out to work. The state should make policies to protect women’s employment rights, solve the problem of sexual discrimination which might exist in the workplace, and create e-qual employment opportunities so as to reduce the probability of elderly women from ethnic minority areas becoming impoverished . 5 . Improve the urban and rural pension sys-tem, and improve women’s pension insurance cov-erage rate.     

社会人类学的都市族群研究

从社会人类学的视角对都市族群研究进行文献综述和理论回顾,并对我国都市族群研究的可能性方向和研究方法进行探索,指出我国都市族群研究至少包括三个领域:(一)海(境)外华人在中国都市的族群认同、文化认同、国家认同表述研究;(二)少数民族融入大都市之后的族群、文化与社会认同表述研究;(三)新移民进入都市之后的族群性地域认同研究。都市族群研究内容包括认同建构研究、文化表述研究、大都市人意识与身份的形成过程研究。在研究中应注意族群内心情感问题、族群形成过程问题、认同的理性选择问题和历史记忆在认同建构中的作用问题。     

布朗族民族文化资源信息化初探

近年来,云南人口较少民族经济发展与文化保护的矛盾日益凸显,民族地区的文化生境不断遭受破坏;加上人口较少民族的价值观念逐渐发生变化,非物质文化遗产传承人出现断层等问题,人口较少民族文化保护形势严峻。云南布朗族在应用信息化手段保护民族文化方面有很好的实践。布朗文化遗产可数字化资源划分为实体和物质文化遗产与口头和非物质文化遗产两大类。按照三级指标评价模型,结合可数字化文化资源的特点,首先聘请专家依据＂可数字化资源评价赋分标准＂对布朗族民族文化资源进行打分,并采用微积分运算公式计算出三级指标的综合评价值,根据最终评价得分来评判布朗族民族文化资源是否具有可数字化的价值。然后,对文化资源进行数字化采集,综合采用静态数字化技术、动态数字化技术和三维数字技术,按照文本数字化、图像数字化、三维图像建立、虚拟物品制作四个数字化级别来进行信息化处理。     

哈萨克斯坦东干人的民族教育与群体建构

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