THE IMPACT OF TELEVISED SPEECHES AND FOREIGN TRAVEL ON PRESIDENTIAL APPROVAL

Considerable attention has been devoted in recent years to theuse of political drama by the president, with the most discretionaryforms of drama—speeches and foreign travel—receivingmuch scrutiny. In fact, there has arisen a conventional wisdomwhich asserts that televised speeches and foreign travel bythe president (1) have increased over time, (2) exert a uniformlypositive impact on public evaluations of the president's performance,and (3) can therefore be used as a strategy for influencingthe president's approval ratings, a vital resource for the modernpresident. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate this conventionalwisdom and thus assess the value of televised speeches and foreigntravel as influences on presidential approval. The paper firstdefines political drama and casts the conventional wisdom inthe form of three propositions. It next develops a researchstrategy for evaluating these propositions in an appropriatemanner. Finally, the paper tests the propositions. The resultscast considerable doubt on the conventional wisdom and leadto the conclusion that the use of political drama is not anall-purpose strategy guaranteed to halt declines or replenishsizable losses of presidential approval.     

Agenda building effects by 2008 presidential candidates on global media coverage and public opinion

Grounded in first and second level agenda building and agenda setting, the relationships among public relations, global media, and public opinion were explored in the context of the 2008 United States presidential election. Two candidates’ speeches, press releases, and foreign media coverage were analyzed and compared with global public opinion. The results showed that object salience (issue and candidate) relationships were found between public relations messages and global media coverage while affective attribute (tone) salience relationships were partially found among public relations messages, global media, and public opinion.     

News Framing and Cueing of Issue Regimes: Explaining Clinton's Public Approval in Spite of Scandal

During the period of exceedingly critical news coverage surroundingthe Monica Lewinsky debacle, President Bill Clinton's job approvalratings were at some of the highest levels they reached duringhis tenure in office. Given this public response, many pollsters,pundits, and scholars argued that news coverage of the scandalmust have been largely irrelevant to the public. Our view countersthese claims by advancing a theory that recognizes that citizens'political preferences are influenced substantially by framesand cues provided by news media. To test our ideas, we drawupon three types of data, all from January 1993 to March 1999:(a) a longitudinal content analysis of major news media, (b)a time-trend of opinion polls on presidential job approval,and (c) monthly estimates of real disposable personal income,seasonally adjusted. Analyses reveal that news media emphasisupon and framing of certain issue regimes—to the framingof the scandal in terms of the strategic motives of conservativeelites.     

Do public relations managers and technicians value news releases differently?

This survey of 220 randomly sampled members of Public Relations Society of America sought to determine if 179 respondents (81% response rate) valued news releases as a public relations tactic and if attitudes differed between manager and technician roles. It tested differences in responses by six independent variables—professional experience, salary, staff size, education, organization and activities—previously used to differentiate the roles. Although several items differed by levels of the independent variables, the only conclusive difference between the roles indicated that managers valued news releases more than technicians.     

Public Opinion on Foreign Policy: The Multilateral Public that Perceives Itself as Unilateral

Americans have a strong preference for multilateral foreignpolicies over unilateral foreign policies. But do Americansknow their own preferences? Data from a national survey showwide misperceptions of public opinion on foreign policy. WhileAmericans strongly prefer multilateral policies, they overestimatepublic support for unilateral policies. For example, while only23 percent of respondents agreed that the more important lessonof September 11 is that the United States should work aloneto fight terrorism rather than work with other countries, respondentsestimated that almost 50 percent of Americans endorsed thisview. Moreover, misperceptions of public opinion were relatedto subsequent judgments of specific policies. For example, respondentswho incorrectly perceived the unilateral view as the majorityview were 1.84 times more likely to support a presidential decisionto invade Iraq without the approval of the United Nations (UN)Security Council than respondents who correctly perceived theunilateral view as the minority view. Misperceptions of publicopinion were also associated with the belief that the currentforeign policy reflects the opinions of the American people.This belief in the legitimacy of the foreign policy was as stronga predictor of support for specific unilateral policies as respondents’attitudes.     

Intercandidate agenda-setting in presidential elections: Issue and attribute agendas in the 2004 campaign

This study examined the role of political public relations in the process of intercandidate agenda-setting. Specifically, a content analysis of news releases, political speeches, and issue platform statements was conducted to assess the salience of issues and attributes in the 2004 presidential election from the Bush, Kerry, and Nader campaigns. While modest evidence for intercandidate agenda-setting associations regarding issue salience was obtained, more robust support was detected for attribute salience relationships. In light of these findings, the theoretical and practical implications for political public relations are discussed.     

Can a Poll Affect Perception of Candidate Traits?

During presidential elections, poll results frequently are presentedin the news. Reporters use these polls to tell the public whatit thinks about the presidential candidates. We argue that pollingresults tell the public what it should think about the presidentialcandidates as well. This study outlines how a character traitthat is not usually used to assess presidential candidates wasput into play during the 2004 presidential campaign. By repeatedlyascribing "stubbornness" to incumbent president George W. Bush,Democratic challenger John Kerry may have prompted this trait’sinclusion in a Los Angeles Times summer 2004 survey. The poll’sevidence that the public saw Bush as more stubborn than Kerrythen produced an attribute agenda-setting effect that strengthenedthe link between that term and Bush. Using data from the NationalAnnenberg Election Survey, we argue that the news coverage ofthis Los Angeles Times poll increased the salience of the trait"stubborn" in assessing President George W. Bush during Juneof the 2004 presidential campaign.     

Foreign reporters' aggressiveness and Chinese officials' openness at news conferences: influences on foreign media coverage of the Chinese government

This study used content analysis to examine the relationships among Chinese officials' openness strategies at news conferences, foreign reporters' aggressiveness, and the valence of foreign media coverage of the Chinese government. Controlling for the time period and political sensitivity of the topics of news conferences, this study found that the foreign reporters' personal evaluations of Chinese officials were negatively associated with the media coverage valence and that Chinese officials' openness strategies were positively correlated with the media coverage valence and moderated the negative association between reporters' evaluations of officials and media coverage valence. Methodological implications are also discussed.     

International public relations’ influence on media coverage and public perceptions of foreign countries

The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of international public relations on a target country's news coverage and public perceptions toward other countries. This study proposed a public relations influence model of national image formation and tested its relationships based on 27 countries’ public relations effort targeting the U.S. news coverage and publics. This study found that (1) public relations of other countries in the U.S. had a direct impact on how significantly the U.S. public perceived those countries; (2) the more prominently and favorably foreign countries were covered by the U.S. news media, the more significantly and favorably the U.S. public perceived and felt toward those countries.     

Drug Peddlers: How Four Presidents Attempted to Influence Media and Public Concern on the Drug Issue

This agenda-building study examined the presidencies of Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush to determine to what degree they influenced media and public concern for the drug issue. This study found a complex reciprocal relation between the president, the public, and the press, with results differing depending what president and newspapers were studied. However, when the data are examined across the various presidents rather than on individual leaders, the agenda-setting process is especially powerful with 8 of the 9 predicted paths proving significant. This study discovered that the president plays an equal or greater role than the media in the agenda-building process. The path between presidential statements and public approval was higher than the one between the media and the public. Although public approval polls drove both media coverage and presidential statements, the polls had a greater effect on the media. Finally, the path from presidential statements to subsequent media coverage was just as strong as the one from media coverage to subsequent presidential statements. Agenda-setting researchers, then, should not ignore the effects of the president and other officials on the agenda-setting process.     

Predispositions and Public Support for the President During the War on Terrorism

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and their aftermathoffer a rare opportunity to examine how presidential approvalresponds to a sudden and severe national security crisis. Iutilize the 2000–2002 National Election Studies panelto track change in public attitudes toward George W. Bush overthe first two years of his presidency. An advantage of usingpanel data is that it allows me to go beyond aggregate changein presidential approval to examine how change is related todefense policy predispositions and prior political awareness.I find important differences. Over these two years, those highin political awareness experience priming of their defense predispositionsbut very little rally effect. In contrast, those low in politicalawareness experience a rally in support for Bush but very littlepriming. These results reaffirm that those with different levelsof political awareness respond to dramatic messages in distinctways.     

Un-presidented: a qualitative framing analysis of the NAACP's public relations response to the 2000 presidential election

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has a 100-year history of mobilizing minority voters. Millions responded to the NAACP's multi-million dollar publicity campaign in the 2000 presidential election. When the election stalled unexpectedly, the NAACP's communications response was intended to help U.S. voters interpret the unusual circumstances.The NAACP's public relations department uses the media and the Internet to reach its audiences. This study qualitatively examined the NAACP's messages and compared them to almost 400 post-election news articles in six mainstream newspapers. There was little overlap between the media's frames and those advanced by the NAACP, which suggests that the NAACP's messages were ignored.     

Integrity and Presidential Approval, 1980-2000

Do individuals' assessments of the president's integrity consistentlyaffect their evaluations of his job performance? Previous researchsuggests that they might, but extant studies typically do notdirectly examine the effects of these assessments. Those thatdo have examined only a few time points, leaving the questionof whether integrity assessments consistently affect approvalacross presidencies unresolved. Further, they do not examinethe effects of integrity on Bill Clinton's approval after theLewinsky scandal, a time when many argued that integrity assessmentswere irrelevant to evaluations of his job performance. Thisstudy examines the effects of integrity assessments on approvalof four presidents using 10 surveys from 1980 to 2000. Integrityassessments are found to influence approval throughout the period,although the magnitude of their effect varies somewhat. Further,integrity assessments affected approval for Clinton in aboutthe same way they shaped approval for previous presidents. Althoughmost studies of presidential approval focus on the economy andforeign affairs, these results suggest that evaluations of thepresident's job performance are in part evaluations of the presidenthimself. However, more politically substantive factors exertfar greater influence on approval. Therefore, approval is tiedto far more than just good character, which reflects favorablyon the quality of the public's evaluations of their presidents.     

Public Support for American Presidents: A Cyclical Model

The approval accorded to Presidents by the American public isfound to follow a cyclical pattern over time. All Presidentsbegin their terms with great popularity, experience parabolicdeclines, steadily lose popular support for about three years,and then recover some at the ends of their terms. These distinctivecycles, it is argued, reflect regular expectation/disillusionmentcycles among the less well-informed segments of the public andare tied to the four-year election calendar. The extraordinaryfit of parabolic curves to actual presidential approval leadsto the suspicion that presidential approval may be almost whollyindependent of the President's behavior in office, a functionlargely of inevitable forces associated with time.     

WAR PROGRAMMING: The Propaganda Project and the Iraq War

The invasion of Iraq was justified to the American people by a sophisticated propaganda campaign that reflected a think tank's vision for a new foreign policy. One objective of this article is to set forth a theoretical argument for analyzing modern propaganda campaigns as a feature of mass-mediated discourse crafted by think tanks and highly organized claims makers. We propose that the current structure of policy and critique is now institutionalized and formatted as War Programming, which connects criticism within a narrative sequence, including critiques and reflections about journalistic failings. The scope of the action is so immense that it precludes and preempts its critique. The second objective is to show how the rationale for the invasion was developed as a "public conspiracy" over a decade by the members of the Project for a New American Century (PNAC). The third aim of this article is to describe and clarify why the PNAC plans for Iraq and an imperialist foreign policy received very little news media coverage. Qualitative content analysis of news materials suggests that the news sources and media shared a logic and perspective about "timely and entertaining news." The PNAC plan was not publicized by the major news media because it fell outside the focus of the Bush administration's propaganda campaign to demonize Iraq and its leader Saddam Hussein, who was held to be responsible for attacks on the United States. The implications of such a well-organized propaganda campaign for future news coverage of war are discussed.     

Public relations in public administration: a disappearing act in public administration education

How is public relations viewed when it is considered a sub-field of another discipline? In the profession of public administration, from its first textbook in 1924 through the end of the 1950's, public administration training—as mirrored in the most widely cited texts of the era—included teaching about the uses, importance and benefits of public relations to the public administrator-in-training. However, as measured by the most widely cited textbooks of the 1980's and 1990's, the subject of communications in general, and public relations in particular, largely disappeared from the agenda of public administration education.This article documents the rise and fall of public relations in public administration education, notes some early signs of renewed attention and suggests re-establishing public relations as a valuable part of contemporary public administration education.     

The original bailout of US corporations: The public relations bailout

More than a trillion of taxpayer dollars are currently being used to bail out the US banking, mortgage and car industries. This invokes an interesting connection to public relations the last time drastic US government involvement with corporations was contemplated. This pre-First World War crisis of the free enterprise system involved a deficit not of money but of favourable public opinion. The requirement was for vast amounts of public opinion and public policy work by a reported at least 1200 – what were at that time called – press agents. This was the period when public relations emerged as a fundamental plank of US and ultimately of global culture. The thesis of this article is that many aspects of the world we live in cannot be properly understood without a better analysis of the first bailout of US corporations—the public relations bailout.     

Writing in the public relations curriculum: practitioner perceptions versus pedagogy

Educators and practitioners seem to agree that writing is a public relations curriculum fundamental. An examination of the writing requirements of 152 ASJMC accredited public relations programs indicates that only a little more than half (57%) require a news writing course. Fewer require a public relations writing course (51%). Nearly 200 public relations practitioners were surveyed as to their perceptions of college public relations educators’ writing emphases. This exploratory study’s findings suggest that practitioners believe both news writing and public relations writing classes should be mandatory for public relations students; they offer slightly stronger support for news writing. Recommendations include requiring writing-intensive coursework, overall, and encouraging students to seek journalism experience through campus news outlets.     

Exploring the role of the Senate Majority Leader's political public relations efforts

Grounded in first- and second-level agenda building, this study explored the role of the U.S. Senate Majority Leader in shaping the salience of issues and issue attributes in news media coverage and policymaking in 2011. A total of 358 public relations messages, 164 newspaper articles, and 83 policymaking documents were analyzed. Significant correlations were found supporting agenda-building linkages at both levels. Different types of information subsidies were explored, including press releases, blog posts, Facebook posts, and Twitter messages.     

The future of public sector collective bargaining in Canada

Conclusion Looking to the future of Canadian public sector labor relations, the glass is half full. Despite regular intervals when government fiscal and economic policy “trump” public sector bargaining rights through legislation, public sector unions and collective bargaining will survive. Public sector compensation and job security will likely continue to be at least comparable to the unionized private sector, and public sector union density should remain stable, at or near its currently high levels.