Expectations,education, and opportunity

Using a long panel of youths, we establish a causal link between parental expectations regarding education and educational attainment. In particular, we use an instrumental variables approach to find that the child’s chances of obtaining a high school or college degree are increasing in the parent’s expectations of the likelihood of these events. We then use differences between the objective likelihood of a child’s educational attainment and the parents’ subjective probabilities to consider the hypothesis that lower educational outcomes among certain groups are driven by a “culture of despair,” where children are low-achieving because they are expected to underachieve. While we do find that children from households with lower levels of income, wealth, and parental education are less likely to attain high school and college degrees, we reject the hypothesis that this is driven by low subjective expectations of educational success. Rather, we find that parents from disadvantaged groups have expectations for the educational outcomes of their children that differ more from the statistical likelihood of these outcomes than do parents of children from advantaged households. That is, we find that parents in more disadvantaged households are more optimistic about the educational outcomes of their children than those from more advantaged households.     

LEARNING ABOUT EDUCATION

Limited human capital investment is a common characteristic of low‐income countries despite the fact that estimated returns to educational investment in low‐income countries are generally higher than those in high‐income countries. Empirical evidence suggests that income and credit constraints can only account for a part of this underinvestment. Recent experimental evidence shows that families' misperceptions about the returns to education play a role in their low‐investment levels. This paper builds a heterogeneous‐agent model of human capital and growth that incorporates an adaptive learning mechanism to capture the way agents form perceptions about returns to education. We find natural conditions guaranteeing existence of stable equilibria. Along transition paths, agents' misperceptions about returns to education depress realized returns, which serves to reenforce and perpetuate low human‐capital investment. If human capital investments have both private and public returns, we find multiple stable equilibria, including those which are characterized by low investment and low returns. (JEL D83, O10, I25)     

Crossing the finish line? A review of college completion inequality in the United States by race and class

Although most students graduate from high school and enroll in college the following fall, rates of entry into higher education and completion of a bachelor's degree continue to be stratified by race and class. Because of the potential returns that accrue to individuals and society overall when students complete their 4‐year degree, these disparate trends should motivate more policy‐relevant research in this area. In this review, I show how a longitudinal perspective of the path to a BA degree helps to reconcile competing theories of college completion by race and class across disciplinary boundaries. Both human capital theory and status attainment theory largely examine college completion as the long‐term process of BA attainment, although they differ in their focal stages and mechanisms. In contrast, the theory of categorical inequality, as applied in this review, focuses on the years in higher education and describes the ways in which colleges and universities as organizations create, legitimate, and reinforce categorical distinctions in postsecondary schooling and how these processes independently shape college completion inequality. As public interest grows in holding colleges accountable for their graduation rates, more research is needed on how the formal and informal organizational policies and practices of colleges produce inequality.     

ACCOUNTING FOR THE GENDER GAP IN COLLEGE ATTAINMENT

One striking phenomenon in the U.S. labor market is the reversal of the gender gap in college attainment. Females have outnumbered males in college attainment since 1987. We develop a discrete choice model of college entry decisions to study the driving forces of changes in college attainment by gender. We find that the increase in relative earnings between college‐educated and high‐school‐educated individuals and the increasing parental education have important effects on the increase in college attainment for both genders, but cannot explain the reversal of the gender gap. Rising divorce probabilities increase returns to college for females and decrease those for males, and thus are crucial in explaining the reversal of the gender gap in college attainment. (JEL J24, J16, I20)     

The Distribution of Returns to Education for People with Disabilities

This article takes a first look at the distribution of returns to education for people with disabilities, a particularly disadvantaged group whose labor market performances have not been well studied or documented. Using a nonparametric approach, we uncover significant heterogeneity in the returns to education for these workers, which is drastically masked by conventional parametric methods. Based on these estimates, we construct the Sharpe ratio of human capital investment (taking into account its substantial risk), and our results corroborate the claimed importance of human capital in improving these workers’ wages. Our stochastic dominance tests show that the returns to education for workers with disabilities, as a group, may have been affected more adversely in the most recent recession, relative to their non-disabled counterparts.     

Labour Market Outcomes and Skill Acquisition of High-School Dropouts

We estimate the effect that dropping out of high school has on 8 outcomes pertaining to wages, employment and subsequent skill acquisition for youths. Our analysis is based on the older cohort of the Youth in Transition Survey (YITS) for 2003, an ideal data set because it contains a rich array of outcome measures and characteristics on individuals when they are in high school and a few years later. Our analysis indicates that dropouts have poorer wage and employment outcomes, and they do not make up for their lack of education through additional skill acquisition and training. The analysis thereby suggests that policies to curb dropping out could have both desirable efficiency effects (high returns) as well as distributional effects (high returns to otherwise more disadvantaged groups) and potential social spillover effects.     

Neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage and access to health care

Most research on access to health care focuses on individual-level determinants such as income and insurance coverage. The role of community-level factors in helping or hindering individuals in obtaining needed care, however, has not received much attention. We address this gap in the literature by examining how neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage is associated with access to health care. We find that living in disadvantaged neighborhoods reduces the likelihood of having a usual source of care and of obtaining recommended preventive services, while it increases the likelihood of having unmet medical need. These associations are not explained by the supply of health care providers. Furthermore, though controlling for individual-level characteristics reduces the association between neighborhood disadvantage and access to health care, a significant association remains. This suggests that when individuals who are disadvantaged are concentrated into specific areas, disadvantage becomes an "emergent characteristic " of those areas that predicts the ability of residents to obtain health care.     

Can Child Development Accounts be inclusive? Early evidence from a statewide experiment

A key objective of Child Development Accounts (CDAs) is to increase college completion rates among disadvantaged youth by helping families accumulate assets for college and by encouraging youth to see themselves as college bound. While the major asset-building programs in the United States almost exclusively benefit socioeconomically advantaged individuals, CDAs explicitly aim to facilitate account holding and asset accumulation by disadvantaged families. But can CDAs meet the goal of being inclusive? This research uses data from a large CDA experiment with probability sampling and random assignment to examine early savings outcomes. Findings indicate that CDAs improve outcomes for diverse demographic groups and sometimes have greater impacts on disadvantaged children than advantaged children. Features like automatic account opening and automatic initial deposits, which are uncommon in other asset-building programs, extend the opportunities and benefits of asset accumulation to disadvantaged families.     

Economic returns to community and four-year college education

Differences in earning ability among college entrants 10 years after high school graduation are analyzed by type of first college entered, sex, and race. The average age of the sample is 27. Type of first college entered is a significant variable in understanding differences in earning ability for college entrants with ability, socioeconomic background, and college goal constant. The rate of return for each additional year of education for four-year college entrants is 7.9%; for community college entrants, 5.4%. The author argues that community college education and four-year college education cannot properly be treated as homogeneous and that researchers analyzing economic returns to education need to take into account both kind of first college entered as well as the number of years of education acquired.     

Civic Engagement and Economic Opportunity Among Low-Income Individuals: An Asset-Based Approach

This study uses an asset-based approach to examine the ways social and human capital accessed through civic engagement may serve as a pathway toward economic opportunity for low-income individuals. Using a qualitative approach, this study draws on interviews with 31 low-income individuals who are civically engaged in a range of activities, including community organizing, giving money, informal engagement, religious participation, and volunteering. Findings contribute to the literature suggesting that study participants were often able to mobilize and deploy the social and human capital assets accumulated through different types of civic engagement into employment and education opportunities. However, embedded within social and human capital assets are also examples of the ways structural factors influenced whether study participants could transfer social and human capital assets acquired through civic engagement into economic opportunities.     

Navigating the First Year of College: Siblings,Parents, and First-Generation Students’ Experiences

Although college education is a key to upward mobility, students from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to enter and complete college than their more advantaged peers. Prior literature has illuminated how cultural capital contributes to these disparities. An alternative conceptualization of cultural capital, however, suggests that it can also play a role in social mobility. In this study, we build on and extend the literature on cultural mobility by proposing that exposure to education can benefit not only individuals but also families. We examine the influence of older siblings who attended college on the experiences of younger college-going siblings in families where neither parent has completed college (i.e., first-generation families). We find that students rarely rely on their older siblings as sources of information and advice, except in a few instances where older siblings attended the same institution. However, both the topics and nature of conversations between parents and students differ between families with and without older college-educated siblings. The primary benefit of having college-educated siblings is thus related to students’ engagement with and support received from parents. These findings have important implications for cultural capital research and understanding experiences of first-generation college students.     

Multi-dimensional poverty in Australia and the barriers ill health imposes on the employment of the disadvantaged

A little over one million individuals in Australia between the ages of 24 and 64 years are in Freedom poverty – they have low family income, and have either poor health or an insufficient level of education. These individuals are some of the most disadvantaged in society due to their multiple capability restrictions. Current political rhetoric focused on reducing the number of individuals out of the labour force to improve their living standards may offer a means of improving the lives of these most disadvantaged individuals. Indeed, of those in Freedom poverty, 80% are not in employment. But these individuals also have poor health and/or a poor education and these capability limitations may act as barriers to their labour force participation. Indeed, 49% of individuals in freedom poverty who were out of the labour force cited ill health as the reason for this (39% cited their own ill health, and 10% cited another's ill health). Not only will these individual's ill health act as a barrier to their engaging in the labour force, but ill health will also contribute to reduced quality of life. Political promises to improve the lives of citizens should not focus narrowly upon increasing labour force participation rates, but should take a holistic view of the lives of individuals taking note in particular of how health may be restraining their quality of life.     

Elite Colleges and Socioeconomic Status

Elite colleges have long been associated with socioeconomic reproduction, passing along elite social standing to children of middle and upper‐middle socioeconomic status (SES) parents. How has that role changed during the expansion of American higher education over the past 50 years? Have elite colleges and universities also become providers of socioeconomic mobility? In this essay, I outline recent demographic, admissions, and financial aid changes at these institutions and compare both in‐college experiences and college outcomes between low‐SES and more‐affluent students at elite colleges. I argue that although elite colleges and universities do include greater numbers of low‐SES students than in earlier generations and have great potential for even further inclusion, they remain far from serving as broad engines of socioeconomic mobility.     

Infrastructures of Sociality: How Disadvantaged Students Navigate Inequity at the University1

Through an ethnography of college life in India, I examine the role of social ties in navigating the inequities of university life. I analyze the socialities of sharing knowledge and resources among disadvantaged students, which I call “infrastructures of sociality.” “Infrastructure” designates here two things: first, the role of the university's infrastructure—its physical spaces and organizational routines—in enabling social ties; and second, the fact that these social ties literally function as infrastructure, in that they make university life possible for disadvantaged students, especially in the context of institutional neglect. I therefore advance Bourdieusian scholarship that views social ties among disadvantaged students as merely lacking in social capital, arguing instead that these ties constitute a form of non-dominant social capital that is analytically distinct and powerful in its own right. Yet, I suggest that these social ties are a double-edged sword: while the intensive mutual aid of disadvantaged students makes university participation possible, it nonetheless rests on exclusion from more privileged social groups. Thus, despite mitigating exclusion from the university, infrastructures of sociality also inadvertently participate in the reproduction of inequality, by reinforcing exclusion from the elite cultural and social resources circulating among privileged students.     

Everything but racism: A critical analysis of Latina/o college sorority and fraternity research

The persisting disparity in college graduation rates along racial and ethnic lines combined with growing Latina/o college‐age population has compelled an increasing number of researchers to examine inequalities in higher education outcomes. Some of these researchers have attempted to better understand Latina/o college experiences by researching Latina/o Greek life. In this article, I review the literature on Latina/o sororities and fraternities. I identify four approaches in the scholarship: Latina/o student development through campus involvement, Latina/o ethnic identity development through sorority or fraternity participation, finding cultural congruence in sorority and fraternity membership, and perceived discrimination and racial climates in college. This article reveals that scholarship about Latina/o Greek life examining race and racism is severely limited. Given the scope of existing work, I suggest that analysts have examined “everything but racism.” I conclude by highlighting some of the research on higher education that centers race and ethnicity as an analytical focus, demonstrating deeply embedded processes that impact Latina/o college student success. I argue that research about race and racism in college points to significant opportunities for researchers seeking to examine how Latinas/os navigate such environments, as Greek life is woven into the social and academic fabric of higher education institutions.     

Students-as-insurers: rethinking ‘risk’ for disadvantaged young people considering higher education in England

The conventional view since the early 2000s has been that participation in higher education (HE) is a risky pathway for disadvantaged young people in England; the social risk of entering an alien environment combines with the financial risk of rising costs and questionable long-term returns. This riskiness has been constructed as a major barrier to participation. However, national administrative data cast doubt on whether this analysis still holds true. Despite significant rises in tuition fees, the proportion of disadvantaged young people entering HE has continued to rise, with advantaged groups seemingly being more price-sensitive. Data from recent qualitative studies has also suggested that young people are now less attuned to risks. This paper considers whether circumstances in wider society have shifted perceptions of risk. The volatility resulting from the global financial crisis appears to have repositioned HE as a less risky option than early entry to the labour market, especially with more jobs becoming ‘graduate’, while the social risk has declined as HE has diversified. The paper draws on theoretical perspectives from Beck, Boudon, Simon and Kahneman to argue that many disadvantaged young people now view HE as a form of ‘insurance’ against an uncertain future.     

THE RATE OF RETURN TO MEXICAN AMERICANS AND ANGLOS ON AN INVESTMENT IN A COLLEGE EDUCATION

Rates of return to an investment in a college education are estimated for Mexican American and Anglo male college graduates with majors in business, accounting, education and liberal arts. The returns, estimated for 1967, 1970 and 1973 graduates of Pan American University, are quite substantial for all but the Anglo education majors. The returns to the business and accounting majors substantially exceed those to the other graduates. There was no strong tendency for the rates of return to fall over time nor were there any systematic differences between the returns to the two ethnic groups. This latter result does not imply an absence of labor market discrimination against Mexican American college graduates.     

Brown Suits Need Not Apply: The Intersection of Race,Gender, and Class in Institutional Network Building1

Using ethnographic data, this study investigates network building and the transition from school to work in a career center at a nonprestigious university. Now that disadvantaged students have increased their participation in higher education, it is important to investigate the role of the university in these students’ transition from school to work. I found competing forces of stratification at work in the college career center and while the center mitigated inequality for some, it reproduced inequality for others. The Career Center staff faced pressures to recruit corporations to build job networks, but disinterest from the hiring organizations. Through their interactions with recruiters, the staff saw that African Americans and Latinos were not the standard for the labor market. Although network building ruled the overarching organizational goals, intersections of race, gender, and nationality became the defining logic of the hiring process. Staff members turned away both qualified and unqualified African‐American and Latino men and women, while increasing access for white women and international male students, regardless of their qualifications.     

Wie können „bildungsferne“ Gruppen für ein Hochschulstudium gewonnen werden?

Against the background of the relatively low enrolment of students at universities, the minor proportion of academics at the population, and the distinctive social inequality at the transition to the tertiary education in Germany, it is assumed that – additionally to the structure of the educational system – primary and secondary effects of social origin are responsible for that the working class children are underrepresented at German universities. According to empirical findings for high-school graduates, their subjectively expected success in university training in general as well as their educational decision on continuing tertiary education, in particular, are crucial for this empirical fact of persistent inequalities of university education. If one cancels out the secondary effects of social origin, the participation of working class children could be increased more significantly than by neutralizing the primary effects. If one neutralizes also the secondary effects at both, the first and the second transition in the individuals’ educational course, the individuals’ transition to the sector of tertiary education could be increased additionally. Both, the selection and filter processes of the Germany school system as well as individuals’ educational choices provide the counterproductive effect that the talented offspring from socially disadvantaged classes will be diverted away from the higher education and the universities.