通向“恶的平庸性”之路

通过“恶的平庸性”这个概念,阿伦特揭示了一种异于康德所说的“根本恶”的、专属于现代社会的恶的新类型。本文通过对现代性方案以及导源于这种方案的现代国家的“造园姿态”、现代科层制政治机器对于无思想的命令执行者的需要与塑造,以及与政治的工具化并行的公共领域的消亡这三个层面的考察分析,揭示了“平庸”与“罪恶”结合的路径。在此基础上,文章指出,“平庸”之与“罪恶”的联系,虽然受到现代社会发展和政治运行中的制度性、结构性因素的推动,但这既不是要为“艾希曼”脱罪,更不是要将每个人入罪,而是要引起每个人作为公民在面临大屠杀这样的罪恶时对自己所应担当的责任的沉思。     

市场转型与“单位”变迁再论“单位”研究

改革开放三十年后，中国基本实现了向市场经济体制的转型，社会结构发生了巨大变化。中国城市社会的基层组织制度和社会秩序，尤其是“单位”和“单位体制”，也随之发生了深刻的改变。本文对在市场转型的制度背景下的“单位”变迁研究进行了系统的梳理。文章从概念辨析入手，分为“单位”体制及其变迁、单位内部的权力结构与行为方式、单位与社会分层三个方面展开具体论述。作者认为，采用细致的个案调查方法来研究不同类型“单位”的内部权力结构和行为方式，挖掘“单位”社会分层效应的具体微观机制，进而探讨“单位”和“单位体制”的变迁，并且，以此为参照来理解中国社会组织的新特点、新功能，将是“单位”研究的方向所在。     

记忆研究的“社会-文化”范式:对“哈布瓦赫-阿斯曼”研究传统的解读

通过分析“哈布瓦赫-阿斯曼”研究路径中有关社会、文化等概念,可以得出一个较为清晰的记忆研究的“社会-文化”范式,从而弥补当下记忆研究无范式的缺陷。这一范式尤其体现在与神圣记忆密切相关的“社会框架论”、社会品质,以及卡农、神话、节日等概念中。从社会学角度看,能够促发人们回忆的社会力来自涂尔干所谓的“神圣社会”。哈布瓦赫记忆理论中的“社会框架论”和“社会品质”概念是涂尔干的“社会本体论”思想的核心表现,由此形成一种哈布瓦赫的“神圣记忆观”。扬·阿斯曼文化记忆理论中的重要概念“卡农”,也是一种神圣记忆。卡农等概念是扬·阿斯曼对哈布瓦赫的“社会框架论”的继承和推进。上述要素构成记忆研究的“社会-文化”范式的基础。从“取向”讨论转向“范式”分析,有助于推进社会记忆研究传统的生成和发展。     

历史书写中的“文成公主”——兼论“多民族中国”的民族史叙事困境

一个“多民族政治体”形成和存续的核心在于一套能够使具有不同政治与文化传统的诸民族“各安其位”的“秩序”,而“民族史书写”正是这一“秩序”的一个重要维度。本文梳理了历史文献中三种不同的“文成公主”叙事：古代汉、藏文文献描述了两种迥然有异的“文成公主”形象,其差异反映了两种古代文明对“世界”及其理想秩序的不同想象;第三种叙事来自近代的“民族主义”史学,汉语知识精英利用古代文献中的素材,在“进步史观”的指导下,塑造了“文成公主”的新形象。本文对这一“民族史书写”的新范式进行了反思性讨论,并进一步对近代中国“民族议题”的核心线索及其所蕴含的结构性矛盾展开了理论探讨。     

在“生人社会”中建立“熟人关系” ——对大学“同乡会”的社会心理学分析

本文以半结构化的访谈方法,通过分析在读大学生的同乡交往,试图探讨异地求学的大学生在进入“生人社会”后,如何通过同乡会这一特殊的、具有社团组织和关系网络双重特点的平台,适应学校生活,完成身份转换。研究发现,在这一过程中,“我们”概念的两种形成机制--“关系化”与“类别化”之间实际发生了相互缠绕、竞争与协商,导致了“关系化”的“我们”概念以新的形式--“关系的类别化”与“类别的关系化”--出现,而看似作为一个组织的同乡会,在性质上却仍然没有脱离差序格局所包含的“关系网”的含义。借此研究,可以窥见社会转型期由“熟人社会”向“生人社会”过渡的身份协商过程的基调。     

社会秩序的护卫者 ——亚当·斯密论“正义”与“自然法理学”

通过对“德性”以及“人性”的重新阐释,亚当·斯密颠覆了亚里士多德的经典命题,将“人是城邦的动物”改造为“人是社会的动物”。启蒙精神为斯密提供了重要的理论工具,他试图用一种情感主义的人性论和道德哲学来重构整个自然法理学体系,为其提供一个世俗化的理论基础,为国家行为、为立法者提供理论指引。“社会”是斯密整个学说体系的核心和基础,只有理解了“社会”与其自然法理学之间的关系,才能深入理解其政治经济学甚至国家理论的真正意涵。本文所要阐述的,正是“社会”对其自然法理学的意义及其因而呈现出来的结构和特点。     

“福柯在叙拉古”:“政治精神性”中的主体性实践

福柯对伊朗革命持支持立场而被人称为他的“叙拉古问题”。他为伊朗革命中的“政治精神性”所着迷，然而遭到了知识界众多批评和指责。本文尝试理解“政治精神性”，并对福柯所持的赞许态度做出明证。通过分析福柯1978年以及之后的思想著作，文章试图阐明福柯支持“政治精神性”的两种层面，它体现出人的集体意志和超越世俗性的力量，在福柯眼中它们就是反抗西方理性政治的有力武器。加上福柯对多元文化的偏好，造就了他对伊朗革命的支持态度。“政治精神性”同时联系起了福柯思想中后期从政治到主体的两大元素，他从政治领域的“生命政治”到伦理领域的“自我技术”，都在探究个人如何转变其自身主体性，并沿着主体性实践开展他的现代性研究。福柯并非完全正确，但他借伊朗革命所体现的政治精神性，为公共政治领域讨论提供了一种主体性实践视角的新立场。     

“捆绑式发展”与“隐喻型政治”——对汶川地震灾区平坝羌寨的案例研究

笔者对汶川地震灾区平坝羌寨旅游开发与重建过程进行实地考察,把由政府主导“现代化工程”的社会发展样式称为“捆绑式发展”。在这种发展模式的运作过程中,当地社会发生了一系列权力与话语博弈事件,国家主流意识形态中的“发展话语”被村民巧妙地操作化运用,演绎出某种较新的草根政治“版本”,这种现象本文称之为“隐喻型政治”。“捆绑式发展”与“隐喻型政治”之间存在诸多值得关注的联系,透过这种联系,可以从某个视角窥探到中国基层政治形态的一些微妙演化和值得关注的新动向。     

回到“社会的”社会学,

社会学是一门没有确定的对象边界、而是根据独特的方法论体系进行自我界定的学科。社会学的方法论根源蕴涵在“社会的”和“社会性”中。在社会学思想史中,“社会的”和“社会性”有四种表征：与“异化”和“失范”对立,彰显马克思意义上的“人类社会”和“社会化的人类”;与原子论的个人主义对立,彰显人与人之间的关联性和互动性;与抽象性对立,彰显具体性和相对性;与神秘性和神圣性对立,彰显世俗性和日常生活性。据此,社会学的方法论可用“社会学的想象力”来概括,在这种想象力中,社会是一个高度相对性和具体性的存在,个体和社会处在相互建构的“结构二重性”关系之中,个体的、日常的和世俗化的行动是社会实现自身的生产和再生产的基础。     

中国农村宗教复兴与“宗教”的中国命运

中国农村宗教复兴是改革开放以来最“出人意料”的现象之一。对此,学界提出了“传统的发明”、“国家-社会关系”、“宗教市场”三种解释模式。本文认为,解释中国农村宗教复兴,不能将宗教现象还原为“政治”或“经济”等其他范畴,而应将之视为一种自成一类的事实,一种人的基本条件,同时应充分理解政治精英和知识精英在中国近现代史上对 “宗教”的塑造过程。中国农村的宗教复兴在很大程度上游离于这一塑造过程之外,因此,可能存在着尚不为学界所充分认识的社会机制,有着提供本土理论的潜力。本文认为,在世俗化理论和市场理论之外,应该尝试使用“礼物模式”探索这一社会机制。     

Selective exposure to partisan media: Moderating factors in evaluations of the president

The conditions in which moderating factors – media trust, mediabias, and political ideology – increase or limit the approval ratings of a politician in a partisan media environment were investigated using data obtained from the 2010 Pew survey. The findings show that media trust and media bias intensify negative presidential evaluations among consumers of conservative news programs, whereas these factors do not influence presidential approval among consumers of liberal news programs. The findings also reveal that conservatives tend to choose to be exposed to news messages that are congenial to their ideological orientations, while liberals select a more balanced diet of news messages. This study proposes that moderating factors have different effects on conservative and liberal news consumers.     

Measuring Media Bias: A Content Analysis of Time and Newsweek Coverage of Domestic Social Issues, 1975–2000*

Objective. This study is an effort to produce a more systematic, empirically‐based, historical‐comparative understanding of media bias than generally is found in previous works. Methods. The research employs a quantitative measure of ideological bias in a formal content analysis of the United States' two largest circulation news magazines, Time and Newsweek. Findings are compared with the results of an identical examination of two of the nation's leading partisan journals, the conservative National Review and the liberal Progressive. Results. Bias scores reveal stark differences between the mainstream and the partisan news magazines' coverage of four issue areas: crime, the environment, gender, and poverty. Conclusion. Data provide little support for those claiming significant media bias in either ideological direction.     

两岸媒体对“三鹿问题奶粉”事件报道的框架分析——以《人民日报》、《联合报》、《自由时报》为例

分析研究中国大陆与台湾三家不同报纸有关“三鹿问题奶粉”事件的380篇报道，并对其报道概况、报道体裁、报道主题、消息来源、事件成因等报道内容与形式结构进行统计分析后，发现三家报纸对同一事件的新闻框架建构存在诸多异同之处：消息来源选择上都有着明显的政治倾向性；事件成因、报道主题、事件解决观点、衍生问题等方面有着显豁的差异；政治立场、社会制度、新闻理念等因素的影响和制约，使三家报纸在同一事件的“报道框架”上呈现异同成为必然。     

政治发展还是“政治退却”——新中国政治发展战略退却思问

政治发展是不同类型国家都面临的问题。我国政治发展目标是人民民主。与改革开放三十年的辉煌成就相比,中国政治发展在实践和理论层面上都存在一定滞后性,这需要从新中国60年的发展历程中进行反思。与中国改革开放之前的“政治战略进攻”相比较,用“政治发展战略退却”来描述当今更为合适。政治战略进攻,脱离了中国社会历史现实和国情,是一种超越现实的、罗曼蒂克式的政治发展;从浪漫主义的政治发展经过改革、退却到不合格的不完全的社会主义政治,是一种趋向于现实主义的政治发展;从多元政治主体关系中谋求以社会主义政治为主导和定向的政治变迁,是一种理想主义与现实主义相结合的和合主义的中国式的政治发展战略。     

Slanted Objectivity? Perceived Media Bias,Cable News Exposure,and Political Attitudes*

Objectives. This research explores the consequences of a fragmented television news audience. The recent proliferation of a wide array of television news sources has influenced the manner in which a large number of Americans get their information about politics and government. The political consequences of media fragmentation and the polarization of the U.S. television news audience are explored. Methods. I analyze data on television news‐gathering habits and political attitudes collected from several surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Results. The Fox News Channel has been the main beneficiary of television news fragmentation by appealing to those individuals who have become disillusioned with what they perceive as a liberally‐biased mainstream media. The findings show that the Fox News audience has a distinct set of political attitudes regarding President Bush and his opposition. Evidence also indicates that the Fox News audience has distinct voting behavior patterns, even when controlling for party identification. Finally, the results illustrate that Fox News watchers have perceptions of political reality that differ from the rest of the television news audience. Conclusions. The television news audience is divided along political lines. This division could contribute toward further political polarization among the U.S. mass public as the content of television news coverage of politics becomes less and less homogenized.     

Asian‐Pacific‐American Partisanship: Dynamics of Partisan and Nonpartisan Identities*

Objectives. This article seeks to understand the development of partisanship among Asian Americans since a significant portion do not choose either major party affiliation, but select an independent or a truly nonpartisan status. With a rapidly growing Asian‐American population, examining its pattern for both partisan and nonpartisan identification has been ignored. This research took a developmental process in which acquisition of any partisan affiliation/identification is a critical juncture for Asian‐American political incorporation. Therefore, considering contributing factors that affect the acquisition of any partisan affiliation as a precursor to specific Asian‐American partisan affiliation/behaviors is our direction. Methods. Using a logistical regression model and data from the Pilot National Asian American Political Survey, a category of variables, including sociodemographic, Asian‐American subgroup status, U.S. political orientations and attitudes, and experiences with U.S. society, are used to understand a partisan and nonpartisan affiliation. Results. This study reveals that aspects of socioeconomic status, political attitudes, and immigrant experiences are important, in varying degrees (especially Asian subgroup status) to understand partisan acquisition for Asian Americans. More so, Asian‐American subgroups, persons with lower educational and income levels, and participants in the labor force are less likely to assume a partisan affiliation. Levels of interest in U.S. politics and length of time in the United States do contribute to a partisan affiliation. Conclusions. Viewing partisan affiliation as a developmental process is an important research avenue to approach the Asian‐American community. The inclusion of not only sociodemographic variables, but experiences and evaluation of the U.S. political system, as well as recognizing the political “culture” of Asian‐American subgroups, provides a more complete understanding of the partisan acquisition process.     

实在论的最后崩溃--从虚拟实在谈起

文章通过对虚拟实在的潜在可能性的讨论,对照自然实在,得出了三条反射对等律1.任何我们用来试图证明自然实在的物质性的理由,用来证明虚拟实在的物质性,具有同样的有效性或无效性;2.任何我们用来试图证明虚拟实在中感知到的物体为虚幻的理由,用到自然实在中的物体上,照样成立或不成立;3.任何在自然物理世界中我们为了生存和发展需要完成的任务,在虚拟实在世界中我们照样能够完成.由这三条对等律足以推出,以实体概念为核心的实在论是不成立的,而其他种类的实在论一开始就缺乏理论根基.实在论的崩溃不会导致认识上的相对主义,因为客观规律的有效性并不依赖于实体的存在.     

An Experimental Test of the Effects of Fictional Framing on Attitudes*

Objectives. Most studies of media effects in political communication focus on news media. A smaller body of work extends theories of news media effects to fictional entertainment media. Just as news media engage in priming and agenda setting, these studies suggest that fictional media do as well. In this study, we deal with fictional media's framing of issues. No research has sought to test the effects of framing in explicitly fictional media on political opinions. We develop the outlines of a theory we call “fictional framing” and test it in an experiment. Methods. Participants in our treatment group watched the film Cider House Rules. The movie frames the issue of abortion in the case of incest in a pro‐choice way, and frames morality in terms of following one's own conscience. Results. The film influenced opinions in ways consistent with the framing of these issues. Conclusions. Since abortion opinions and moral values tend to be entrenched, we consider this a strong first test of the effects of fictional framing.     

后汉“党锢之祸”起因新探

“党锢之祸”是东汉末年发生的重大政治事件。从某种程度而言,党锢事件影响了之后的历史走向,魏晋南北朝的士人气象亦由此而定。因而“党锢之祸”成因的研究对于深入了解后汉末年的政治史颇具意义。而且,党锢事件的爆发并非由宦官一手促成,士大夫阶层本身亦有问题。“党锢之祸”主要由以下三个方面造成：一是东汉皇权与地方士族的冲突;二是宦官集团对党人集团利益的侵犯;三是党人“错误”的政治理念。     

Spinning the Rural Agenda: The Countryside Alliance, Fox Hunting and Social Policy

This paper investigates the ways in which the UK hunting lobby has historically sought to widen its appeal by wrapping the hunting debate up in broader countryside issues in an attempt to present it as an integral part of rural life. It is based upon a detailed analysis of the re‐branding of the hunting lobby and the subsequent framing of the Countryside Alliance's Liberty and Livelihood March in the British newspaper press in September 2002. This illustrates how the hunting lobby has fed upon and promoted the perception of a growing urban–rural divide in the UK. The analysis suggests that there is a long history of symbiotic relationships between campaigning organizations promoting a ‘countryside agenda’ and the politically partisan UK press. Gaining extensive newspaper access, however, does not guarantee that a protest group is successful in its aims. This case study suggests that it is important to consider the less visible processes of news production within their historical context, and in relation to the broader policy‐making arena, to adequately assess whether there has been a fundamental shift in the relationship between protest movements and the press in recent years.