Occupational mobility among immigrants: the impact of migration on economic success in Australia

"By analyzing national survey data collected among immigrants to Australia, this article examines immigrant occupational mobility. For immigrants, the results show economic disadvantages are caused by the act of migration itself rather than by economic experiences in their new country. Occupational status is depressed at the beginning of the immigrants' Australian working career, and this in turn diminishes occupational status throughout the working lives of the immigrants and accounts for the economic disadvantages they face."     

Best of times,worst of times,and occupational mobility: the case of Soviet immigrants in Israel

This article compares the incorporation of two groups of immigrants from the former Soviet Union into the Israeli labour market.
The first group arrived in Israel in 1979 and the second group arrived in 1990. The first period was characterized by a small number of immigrants (best of times), and the second period was characterized by mass migration (worst of times).
Using data sets assembled by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, labour force status of the two groups in Israel were examined four years after arrival (1983 and 1994, respectively). We found no difference in rate of labour force participation but considerable differences in the rate of occupational mobility between the two groups of immigrants.
Specifically, the data reveal that immigrants were able to find employment in both periods. However, during periods of mass migration, recent immigrants had experienced higher rates of downward occupational mobility and greater loss of occupational status.     

Challenging transitions? Assessing the occupational mobility patterns of US immigrants by gender

This article uses the New Immigrant Survey to assess the occupational mobility of US immigrants. Estimates from OLS and Heckman selection models show the occupational mobility of immigrants follows a U-shaped pattern: immigrants arriving in the United States see their occupational status decline before it gradually improves. However, even 9 years after coming to the United States, the occupational status of immigrants remains lower than prior to their arrival in the country. Our findings also suggest that immigrant women with higher occupational status tend to move more often to the United States than immigrant men. Conversely, immigrant women are more likely than men to experience career interruptions after migration. Finally, occupational employment growth rates (defined as the growth rate in the number of jobs for an occupation) have a positive impact on both men and women immigrants' ability to recover their occupational status, though the impact appears to be greater for immigrant women.     

Migration and research commitments: long-term effects of national socialization

This study examines the influence of migration on the long-term commitments by foreign trained researchers at Israel's 6 universities. Israel's scientists are trained in the US, Western Europe, and Eastern Europe, and even though these centers have different research traditions, scientific endeavor may provide a common method and outlook. The author hypothesizes relationships between different training backgrounds and long-term research commitments that influence work goals and productivity, thus affecting the operation of the local scientific community. 318 interviews held with university faculty members in the sciences during 1976-77 provide data. 40% of those surveyed are returnees from the US, 15% are US immigrants, 20% are trained in or are immigrants from Western Europe, and 10% are Eastern European immigrants. The scientists largely agree that the most imporant occupational values are to 1) select goals independently, 2) contribute to basic scientific knowledge, 3) contribute to the nation, 4) be recognized by colleagues, 5) have a secure future, 6) develop useful production processes, and 7) advance economically. Value patterns are similar among all origins, although there is some variation between Israeli returnees and those who trained in Israel. Returnees and immigrants may be dissatisfied because they are unable to fulfill expectations stemming from occupational values, and scientists who have not trained or worked outside Israel, and immigrants from Eastern Europe, feel less independent in selection of goals, and deprived in job security and economic advancement. Training in the US or Western Europe contributes to higher perceptions of success. In summary, American trained scientists are competitive and seek recognition from colleagues, Eastern European training encourages a concern with practicality and the development of more products, Western Europeans develop fewer products but product high quality publications, and Israeli trained scientists publish widely. Intermixing of Israeli trained scientists with those from the 3 centers of scientific endeavor may contribute substantially to Israel's scientific productivity.     

Occupational status and mobility among undocumented immigrants by gender

Immigration has long been a national and state concern. The 1989 Legalized Population Survey (LPS-1) collected data on illegal immigrants to the US who subsequently became legalized aliens under the provisions of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. These data are used in a study assessing whether undocumented male and female immigrants improve their earnings and occupational status over time and the extent of variation in occupational status and mobility by gender and region. The data indicate that both undocumented men and women, on average, improved their earnings and occupational status between their first jobs in the US and their jobs just before applying for legalization under the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. However, the earnings, occupational status, and occupational mobility of men were greater than for women.     

The Occupational Assimilation of Hispanic Immigrants in the U.S.: Evidence from Panel Data1

This study focuses on the occupational component of the labor market adjustment of Hispanic immigrants. The author asks whether Hispanic immigrants assimilate with natives and what factors influence occupational attainment. The findings suggest that years since migration narrow the socioeconomic gap between Hispanic immigrants, their U.S.‐born Hispanic counterparts, and non‐Hispanic whites. The level of human capital affects the rate of occupational mobility and determines whether convergence occurs in the groups’ socioeconomic occupational status. The occupational status of Hispanic immigrants with low human capital remains fairly stable and does not converge with that of non‐Hispanic whites. However, those with high human capital experience upward occupational mobility. In part, their occupational assimilation is driven by the acquisition of human capital among younger Hispanic immigrants.     

Finding an Adequate Job: Employment and Income of Recent Immigrants to Israel

The study examines the early market experience of recent immigrants to Israel from the former Soviet Union (FSU) and their mobility patterns a few years after migration. The Labour Utilization Framework, proposed by Clogg and Sullivan (1983), was analysed to identify the employment difficulties immigrants experienced upon arrival, their short‐term mobility in the labour market, and the income consequences of their disadvantaged position in the market. Using a panel study of immigrants who arrived in Israel during 1990, we found that although most of them found employment, only a minority did not experience employment hardships. Four years after their arrival, most immigrants were still employed in occupations for which they were over‐qualified, and only a small portion of the group managed to find adequate employment. Women had more severe employment hardships and a lower rate of mobility into the better positions. For men and women alike, almost any deviation from a stable adequate employment entailed wage penalties.     

Family class immigrants to Canada 1981-1984: part 2: some aspects of social adaptation

This paper examines the adaptation of Family Class immigrants in Canada in the acquisition of language proficiency, geographic mobility, education and training, government services used, and sponsorship of other Family Class immigrants. The data were acquired in a 1983 telephone survey of 1400 immigrants in 5 metropolitan areas (Toronto, Montreal, Winnipeg, Calgary, and Vancouver). In the sample, 1) 2/5 were male; 2) 40% were age 35 or over; 3) 69% of the men and 64% of the women reported good or excellent spoken English; and 4) the average family size varied by origin, from 2.5 to 4.7, with the average being 3.9. Close to 75% from South Asia, Central and South America, the Middle East, Africa, and Western Europe and 50% from other parts of Europe had excellent or good fluency in spoken English. No ability to speak English was 3 times greater for immigrants aged 55-64 compared to those aged 18-24. More than 46% of the sample reported having taken classes in Canada that lasted more than 2 weeks. English courses predominated with occupational courses close behind, followed by general education courses. In 68% of cases, occupational courses helped immigrants improve their occupational ability. Immigrants perceived English courses to be slightly more helpful in finding employment (36%) than occupational courses (33%). 3/4 of the sample lived in the same dwelling as 12 months before; 23% had moved to a different dwelling in the same municipality. 2/3 moved to live in a better dwelling or neighborhood or because they bought a house. 4/5 of Family Class immigrants did not receive any services from Canada Employment Centres. Over 95% reported that a nuclear family member acted as their sponsor. The propensity to sponsor a relative varies by age, sex, marital status, occupation, income, length of time in Canada, number and type of relatives, and country of origin. Their sponsorship rate is not higher than rates reported in other studies. The author concludes that contrary to popular beliefs, Family Class immigrants are socially adapting to life in Canada rather rapidly.     

Gender differences in the occupational status of undocumented immigrants in the United States: experience before and after legalization

"This article examines the incorporation of a national sample of undocumented immigrants both before and after they applied to legalize their status under the provisions of the [U.S.] Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA). Data from the 1989 and 1992 Legalized Population Surveys (LPS-1 and LPS-2) are used. These surveys provide labor force and occupational data for three critical reference periods: as newly arrived undocumented immigrants, as experienced undocumented immigrants, and as documented immigrants.... The overall upward mobility of both men and women between first job and the occupation held at time of application for legalization continued after legalization. On average, men also continued to report higher status jobs than women, although women did somewhat better after their status was legalized." This is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America.     

Employment income of immigrants in metropolitan areas of Canada, 1980

This paper examines the economic achievements of immigrant groups and compares them with those of the Canadian-born population. Employment income in this study is income for members of the labor force who worked 40 weeks or more, full time, during 1980. The information is from the 1981 Census. The 15 birthplace groups considered in this study are classified into 2 major groups: those from traditional sources and those from non-traditional or new sources. Traditional sources are the US, UK, and Europe. The new sources are Africa, Asia, South and Central America, the Caribbean, and Oceania. More than 1/2 of the immigrants from traditional sources arrived before 1960, whereas more than 1/2 of immigrants from new sources arrived after 1970. The analysis is only for those areas called Census Metropolitan Areas. Results of analysis show that 1) immigrant men and women in metropolitan areas earned 1.9% and 5.9% respectively less than their Canadian-born counterparts; 2) when differences in age and educational attainment were considered, incomes of immigrant men and women were about 7.5% below those of their Canadian-born counterparts; 3) the new immigrant groups earned far less than those of the Canadian-born counterparts; 4) traditional-source immigrants' incomes were equal to or slightly higher than Canadians'; and 5) as length of residence increases, most immigrant groups improve their relative economic position and achieve incomes comparable to Canadians'. The authors discuss the economic adaptation of immigrants in the light of various models: assimilation, Marxist class conflict, ethnic stratification and segmentation, structural pluralism, and structural change. No theory can be applied to the economic adaptation of all types of immigrants. Finally, refugees and sponsored relatives, who are not admitted on the basis of education and occupational need, are likely to have more difficulties than independent immigrants.     

THE CAREER ATTAINMENT OF CAUCASIAN AND ASIAN ENGINEERS

This article explores the influence of race and nativity on the one hand and assimilation, human capital, and market structure on the other to explain patterns of income and career transitions of Caucasians and Asians in the engineering profession. Multiple and logistic regression techniques are employed to analyze the career histories of 12,200 Caucasian and Asian engineers followed from 1982 through 1986. The objective is to determine how well Asians have performed in the American engineering labor market in terms of wages, occupational status, and promotion in comparison to Caucasians. The results indicate more racial disparity in managerial representation and upward mobility than in earnings, and more disparity in career attainment between foreign-born Asians and Caucasians than between native-born Asians and Caucasians. The data suggest that Asian engineers, except recent immigrants, have achieved earnings parity but have not yet attained occupational equality with Caucasians.     

Ethnicity,immigration process and short-term occupational mobility

The relationship between the ethnic characteristics of immigrants to the United States and their occupational mobility in the short term is explored. The data concern the period 1965-1970 and are taken from the 1970 census. The results indicate that race and sociocultural distance have important effects on occupational mobility. The study also shows that if educational status is controlled, the performance of Asian immigrants is more similar to that of blacks or Hispanics than it is to that of whites. (summary in FRE, SPA)     

Institutional Structure and Immigrant Integration: A Comparative Study of Immigrants' Labor Market Attainment in Canada and Israel1

The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants' social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher‐status occupations and higher earnings than their compatriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.     

Social mobility among migrants between Mexico and the U.S. and within the U.S. labor market

This paper uses data collected in 4 Mexican communities (2 rural and 2 urban) in 1982 and 1983, using a sample of 200 households, plus an additional 25 households. This analysis supports these hypotheses: 1) a U-shaped pattern of occupational mobility exists among migrants to the US; 2) the reversal of the initial downward mobility is positively correlated with the accumulation of experience within the US; and 3) the relative steepness of both legs of the pattern vary across socioeconomic with rural origin, illegal, and poorly educated migrants experiencing the slowest reversal of fortune. The occupational mobility of Mexican migrants to the US has 2 distinct phases: 1) labor market entry and 2) that which occurs within the US labor market. Both phases are characterized by occupational immobility and by migrants' area of origin. Other important findings are 1) the slowness with which upward mobility occurs among migrants on their 1st trip, 2) the dominance of agriculture as an occupational group, and 3) an improvement in mobility prospects with increased US experience for repeat migrants. Immobility for 1st time entrants pervades all occupational categories and is exceptionally high for rural origin migrants in agriculture. Rural origin unskilled workers encounter greater mobility constraints, indicating a rural agricultural worker may accomplish an upward movement to the unskilled category, but the chances of further movement are remote. Upon entering the US, the probability of being employed in agriculture is over 25% for all groups except the unskilled. Adjusting successfully to US society is best accomplished by migrants whose Mexican occupation is professional, technical, skilled, or service or who have carefully timed their migration and have accumulated significant experience in the host society. It is only with exposure to the US society, either through a prolonged stay or many trips, that a migrant can overcome the debilitating effects of a disadvantaged socioeconomic background.     

Flight into despair: a profile of recent Haitian refugees in South Florida

Based on a 1983-1984 random sample survey of 499 Haitians who had recently arrived in the US, plus participant observation and intensive interviewing, this article examines the following areas: 1) individual background characteristics of Haitian immigrants; 2) their arrival and early resettlement experiences; 3) their education, knowledge of English, and information about the US; 4) current employment status and occupation; 5) income and use of public assistance; 6) predictors of employment, occupation, and income; and 7) beliefs and orientations. Few immigrant groups in recent history have suffered unemployment, downward occupational mobility, and poverty to the extent that Haitians have. In part, this situation is a consequence of the modest education and occupational training brought by these refugees--above average in the country of origin but significantly below US standards. However, even among the better educated and knowledgeable, unemployment rates are unacceptably high and occupational status and income extremely low. The 2nd part of the explanation must be found in the reception accorded to this group. Haitians arrived into a social context unprepared to receive them either as economic immigrants or as political refugees. Their claims for political asylum have been repeatedly rejected by the US. The motivation of individuals who crossed 700 miles of open sea to Florida aboard barely seaworthy craft is high enough to succeed, but the Haitians' inability to gain more than a temporary entrant status weighs heavily against their eventual success.     

Metropolitan Labour Markets, Peripheral Labour Markets and Socio-economic Outcomes among Immigrants to Israel

This article focuses on the impact of the local opportunity structure on socio‐economic outcomes of recent immigrants to Israel. Specifically, it examines the extent to which metropolitan labour markets versus peripheral labour markets differentially affect socio‐economic incorporation of recent “Russian” immigrants who arrived in Israel after the collapse of the former Soviet Union in 1989. Using the 1995 Israeli Census of Population, the analyses address the following questions: (1) were recent immigrants differentially sorted to local labour markets; (2) do local labour markets differentially affect socio‐economic attainment; and (3) do modes of socio‐economic attainment and patterns of ethnic inequality differ across metropolitan and peripheral labour markets? The analyses reveal that immigrants from the European republics and of lower education are more likely to settle in peripheral labour markets than in metropolitan labour markets. Peripheral labour markets, compared with metropolitan labour markets, have detrimental consequences for the socio‐economic outcomes of immigrants. The data do not provide strong support for the thesis that patterns of socio‐economic attainment and inequality differ much across labour markets. The rules according to which socio‐economic attainment of immigrants is determined are, for the most part, similar across labour markets. In general, occupational status and earnings of immigrants are likely to increase with the passage of time, education, European origin; and to decline with age regardless of type of the local labour market. However, the socio‐economic outcomes of immigrants are considerably higher in the metropolis than in the periphery. The findings suggest that the local labour market plays a major role in the determination of immigrants' socio‐economic rewards and outcomes.     

Post-war immigration in the United States and the state of Minnesota: the process of entering an all-American community

The author focuses on characteristics of Polish immigrants in Minnesota in the years since World War II. Particular attention is given to the immigrants' adaptation to the American way of life and to democratic institutions after being accustomed to centralized power in a socialist system. "This article is based on participant observation, publications concerning immigration to the United States, and unstructured interviews with newcomers from Poland and other Eastern European countries." Distinctions are made among the characteristics of Polish-Americans, pre-World War II immigrants, war immigrants, and those who have come during the last 20 years, including groups that the author identifies as the "calculated-decision" immigrants, the post-Solidarity immigrants, and the "adjusted visitor" immigrants. Consideration is given to the demographic characteristics, legal status, education and employment, and territorial mobility of 35 Poles living in Minnesota who were interviewed by the author. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

Undocumented Latina immigrants in Orange County,California: a comparative analysis

"This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance.... Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants' intentions to stay in the United States."     

Early career occupational mobility of Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants in Flanders,Belgium

This article analyses the early career occupational mobility of people from a Turkish or Moroccan descent in Flanders (Belgium). Previous research showed that second-generation migrants are less successful than natives when entering the labour market. We compare the progress in socio-economic status (SES) that youngsters of native and non-native descent make from their first to later jobs at the start of their career. Both second-generation immigrants and native majority young adults experience upward occupational mobility during this crucial phase of their occupational career. The gap between native and ethnic minority youth, however, does not narrow over the course of the years. The first job offers less SES for non-natives compared to that of natives, and the minority-native gap in occupational attainment remains constant afterwards. The future career is largely determined by the characteristics of the start of the occupational career, and educational attainment even before. Promising, however, might be the finding that a first job with a relative low occupational status does offer better opportunities for Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants than for native majority youth to do some catching up later on. In combination with a long-term negative impact of initial unemployment, ethnic minority youth perhaps are best off with starting to work as soon as possible after school leaving.     

The Canada-United States joint immigration study: issues in data comparability

The Canada-US immigration project is an attempt to assess carefully the flows, trends, and characteristics of immigrants between the 2 countries. The primary focus for data is the census information derived from the 1980 US and 1981 Canadian censuses. Some observations of the comparison follow. 1) US-born immigrants tend to migrate later. 2) Immigrants have an older age structure than the total population. 3) The sex ratio pattern is similar with older migrants having lower ratios. 4) Immigration of elderly/retired is not a common pattern. 5) Changes in regional destinations is a basic feature of immigration flows. The destination of US immigrants shifted over time from northern states to southern states. Destinations of Canadian immigrants shifted over time from Quebec and prairie provinces to Ontario and British Columbia. 6) A higher proportion of US immigrants ever married and were widowed; higher proportions of Canadian immigrants divorced, and lower proportions separated. These aspects reflect age structure. 7) US immigrants' fertility is similar to the US population in general; Canadian immigrants' fertility is similar to the Canadian population in general. 8) US immigrants born in Canada have a considerably higher attainment. 9) Males aged 16-64 among US immigrants born in Canada have a consistently higher labor force participation rate. 10) Professional specialty occupations increase in importance in the 1975-1980 period in both countries. 11) Incomes of recent immigrants who were full-time, year-round workers from Canada or the US were well above the incomes of the native populations of either country. Comparability had to be examined in light of the variations built into the 2 censuses. Some of these issues are: 1) differences in sampling and collection methods, 2) differences in under/over-enumeration, 3) misreporting of country of birth, 4) differences in questions used, 5) different editing and imputation procedures applied, 6) variations in residence rules, and 7) the exclusion or inclusion of certain groups in the national census counts.