Albanian and Polish Migration to Italy: The Micro‐Processes of Policy,Implementation and Immigrant Survival Strategies1

This article examines how undocumented immigrants take advantage or react to the windows of opportunity opened to them by immigration policy design and implementation practices in the country of destination. The study concentrates on the case of Albanian and Polish immigrants in Italy. Looking into the policy provisions regarding entry, stay and immigrant employment in Italy, as well as the practices of implementation adopted by the public administration, we study how immigrants prepare and execute their migration plans, how they find employment once in Italy, and how they adapt their plans to the institutional and social environments of the host country as well as their own wishes and needs. We thus highlight the micro‐level of the migration phenomenon and the dynamic relationship between policy design, implementation and immigrant strategies.     

Change and stability of migration intentions. Evidence from Italy

Due to a lack of relevant data, very few empirical studies have examined the changes in and stability of secondary migration intentions. We aim to fill this gap by analysing return migration intentions among international migrants in Italy. Data are drawn from the cross-sectional SCIF survey conducted by ISTAT in 2011–2012. Our findings reveal that migration intentions at the beginning of the migratory experience tend to differ from those measured at more advanced migration stages (i.e. at the time of the survey). In particular, intentions to return seem less stable than intentions to stay. When confirming intentions to return or remain, critical factors include financial stability, family situation and ties with the country of origin and destination. Additionally, having an Italian partner, a partner living in Italy, and a positive self-assessed family financial condition are positively associated with transitioning from a temporary plan to a permanent settlement intention.     

Multiple Migration and Use of Ties: Bangladeshis in Italy and Beyond

This article analyses previous multiple migratory trajectories of Bangladeshi first generation migrants before their arrival in Italy and within Italy. It also uncovers the role of social networks and transnational ties in their multiple migrations. The findings show that their first international migration was mainly shaped by their family’s socio-economic condition and transnational kinship networks. They already had someone from their family or close relatives in the preferred country with whom they were connected. Their onward relocations until arriving in Italy, in most cases, was to achieve the socio-economic success and legal status that they had failed to attain in their first and subsequent destinations, but the transnational connections with friends or acquaintances are a key resource facilitating these remigrations. Bangladeshis who arrived in Italy from various countries mostly had networks, either with someone from their local district in Bangladesh or with their earlier fellow migrants who moved to Italy before them.     

To stay or to return? Return migration intentions of Moroccans in Italy

Using data from the Statistics on Income and living conditions of families with migrants carried out by ISTAT in 2009, we empirically examine the effect of micro level determinants on Moroccans’ return migration intentions. Although Moroccans living in Italy do not have a clear aspiration to return, the socio‐economic and work conditions in Italy determine their migration intentions. Furthermore, our research led us to argue that macro‐level determinants should also be considered. In particular, emigration, immigration and integration policies represent key elements in the analysis of the dilemma between to stay or to return. Therefore, the promotion of long‐term immigration policies, which allow the achievement of a permanent residence in the host country, combined with institutional reforms, which make the origin country socially, economically and politically more attractive for migrants are essential to complete the debate about to stay or to return.     

Changing patterns of migration in the Adriatic region

International migration in the Adriatic countries of Albania, Greece, Italy, San Marino, and Yugoslavia is briefly examined using data from official and other published sources. The main types of migratory movements identified by the author within the region are "1) economically motivated migration (legal and clandestine); 2) immigration of refugees for resettlement; 3) immigration with the scope of final resettlement in a third country (transit movements); [and] 4) return migration by former emigrants."     

Transcending Borders,Bridging Gaps: Opening a Dialogue Between the U. S. A. and Italy’s Migration Turn

ABSTRACT

This essay discusses recent theoretical engagements in the fields of migration and postcolonial studies in Italy by examining their contribution to American and transatlantic studies. It focuses on cultural critiques and manifestations which seek an interrogation or revitalization of Italy’s cultural identity. The analysis draws on the many links between past and present, a confrontation of the histories of migration from and to the country. For instance, the Italian/American influence is remarkable on transforming views of Italian identity, particularly regarding (im)migration. The objective of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it examines how artistic productions compel the Italian society to come to terms with the past. This phenomenon attests to a unique social and cultural transition in Italy, and represents a breeding research ground within Italian studies and the Anglo-dominated area of postcolonial and diaspora studies. On the other hand, the essay investigates how these changes enhance to the role of transatlantic migrations. In doing so, the significance of such cultural productions is framed within ongoing epistemological and scholarly endeavours. This is exemplified by the abundant number of publications, seminars, conferences and new curricula challenging, as well as advancing, contemporary debates on migration, multiculturalism, identity (Italian-ness) and memory.     

(IM)MIGRATION RESEARCH IN ITALY: A European Comparative Perspective

This article analyzes research on (im)migration in Italy since the early 1980s until the present as compared to research in other European receiving countries. Two periods are singled out. In the 1980s, the need to make sense of the dramatic Italian U-turn from an emigration to an immigration country prevails. Since the mid-1990s, some trends toward convergence emerge, following a number of theoretical and methodological challenges arising from North American research. Whereas for sociologist and anthropologist much of the debate is on social networks and transnationalism, in political science the gradual emerging of a policy approach to migration studies can be pointed out. However, despite the consolidating research infrastructure, there are still open questions and gaps in contemporary research on migration in Italy, for instance, second-generations, immigrants' associational and political participation, and last but not least, the impact of the European Union on Italian immigration and immigrant policy as well as policy making.     

Expectations and reality: a case study of return migration from the United States to Southern Italy

A summary of Italy's emigration flows shows that Southern Italy sent her people abroad in great number, and, at the same time, return migration to Italy has been characteristic of a minority, e.g., an estimated 3000 from the US alone, 1964-68. Italy's modernization proceeded unevenly, the South remaining agricultural and for the most part, economically backward. Any form of identification with Italy as a country did not affect the Southern peasant thus preparing his/her way to emigrate as soon as any opportunity presented itself. Due to all the conditions which facilitated emigration from Italy on an individualistic and nonideological basis and without an understanding of the economic forces pushing the emigrant out, and in view of the lack of understanding of how the New World economy of the US was constituted, it is no surprise that the return migration of some remained as much ad hoc and based solely on individual motivations as was the emigration. The 2 fundamental approaches to the concept of immigrant both start by considering the immigrant in his/her new situation. 1 approach views the immigrant's success in the new situation as dependent upon acquiring values and patterns of behavior which would resolve his/her problems in the new society. According to the other approach, in order to resolve the problems of his/her new situation the immigrant must become critically aware of the consequences of his/her actions. The 1st view of conceiving integration has been prevalent, particularly in the study of international migration. And, mass migration from Italy, from the emigrant's perspective, is connected to a repeatedly unsuccessful search for economic success and failure to reach prevailing cultural objectives. The act of emigration, of abandonment, may thus be seen as the resolution of the disparity between the means at the emigrant's disposal and the objectives he/she seeks. The great majority succeed but some fail, and if they have a home and family to return to, they begin to think of returning. Returned migrants interviewed experienced an abrupt passage from a rural to an urban and industrial world. Few of the immigrants whose background was in a fa rm occupation engaged in farming upon arrival in the US. The factor determining whether the immigrant surmounts the problems of the 1st phase of his/her experience is his/her work. If the work the immigrant has found makes him/her part of the production process, the money earned makes him/her part of the consumption process. And, this is the 1st turning point in the experience as an immigrant. A return of conservativism is given when the immigrant continues to consider his/her earnings and investments in terms of the traditional scheme appropriate to the home country. Return of innovation is the term given to those who were unwilling or unable to accept fully their expected position in the new society and tended to detach themselves, even to the point of return to the mother country. The consequences of returns to the native society are summarized. In sum, it appears that returned migrants cannot function as vehicles of social development.     

Impact of the reversal of the migration situation on the social structures of certain countries: the case of Italy

During the past 20 years, Italy has changed from being a country with well-established traditions of emigration to a country of destination. Italy had achieved 1 of the highest economic growth rates in the world. Conditions in Italy are favorable for hundreds of thousands of immigrants from developing countries. Most immigrants settle in large cities and in the South; most are in Italy illegally, performing jobs which Italians do not want. The Act n.943 of January 27, 1987, 1 of the most advanced and most liberal unilateral legal texts has 2 sections: 1) the 1st section establishes regulations governing the admission and residence of foreigners and conditions under which they may enter employment and 2) the 2nd section concerns the regularization of all situations involving the illegal presence of the hundreds of thousands of workers who arrived in Italy before 1987. During the 1st year of implementation, the Act proved to be ideologically enviable but unsuitable in practice. Specifically, Italian consulates in developing countries have received very few applications for permanent residence permits, while clandestine immigration is continuing. Also, only about 14% of clandestine immigrants who arrived before 1987 have regularized their situations. Insufficient information and excessive red tape in the regularization procedures contributed to these results. However, the fundamental cause of failure is economic: migrants know that regularization would keep them out of the labor market and be followed by loss of job and unemployment. Italians are uninterested in the role of immigrants as new members of society; the migrants, in turn, do everything possible not to draw attention to their presence and their diversity. Still, most Italians view immigrants with suspicion. To prepare for the future, account must be taken of possible fluctuations in the economic situation of expanding receiving countries and of the impact which these fluctuations may have on the degree of acceptance of immigrants. To solve these problems Italy must, 1) have a rational, realistic, and comprehensive approach to medium-term planning;2) use official development assistance to carry out labor-intensive projects in the partner country, to reduce the pressure to migrate; 3) base the planning of migration policy on the establishment of admission criteria for immigrants; 4) treat immigrants fairly and promote integration that respects their cultural identity; and 5) achieve international and multilateral coordination and consultation for migration policies.     

Mothers and Grandmothers on the Move: Labour Mobility and the Household Strategies of Moldovan and Ukrainian Migrant Women in Italy

This article contributes to the understanding of the westward migration of Eastern European women, by comparing Moldovan and Ukrainian women in Italy – the most popular destination for both groups – where they are mainly employed as domestic workers and home carers. Focusing on the differences in their trajectories in this labour sector, we discuss the significance of their age at emigration and their role within their families of origin. These have an impact not only on their mobility patterns, but also on their choices of employment and general socio‐cultural integration in the host country.     

Ambivalences of the emotional logics of migration and family reunification: emotions,experiences and aspirations of Bangladeshi husbands and wives in Italy

This article analyses the relational and emotional logics of migration, separation and reunification of Bangladeshi families in Italy. Migrant husbands are separated from their wives, with whom they have had little family life due to their migration, and seek family reunification. Wives’ migration due to family reunification, however, means separating them from their familiar environments and social networks. For this reason, some wives press for onward migration to the UK, where they hope that a larger Bangladeshi community and more social and cultural opportunities may provide a more fulfilling life compared to what they experienced in Italy. However, this means uprooting their husbands once again. The article observes the emotionally divergent dimensions among men and women as an element that can transform and redefine biographical projects and the migration trajectories in Europe of Bangladeshi families in Italy.     

Young Muslim women of Bengali and Moroccan origin in Italy: multiple belongings,transnational trajectories and the emergence of European Islam

This paper investigates the multiple dimensions in the identity constructions of the daughters of the Muslim migrations to Italy. It focuses on the transformations in the way girls and young women relate to religion, in the transition from the generation of mothers, who emigrated from countries with a Muslim majority, to the generation of daughters, who grow up in a European context where Islam is a minority religion. It discusses ‘transmissions’, ‘translations’ and ‘betrayals’ in the migration experience, from a standpoint which highlights the specificities of gender and of generation. The article is based on an intersectional analysis of biographical accounts by Muslim girls and young women of Bengali and Moroccan origin who were born and/or grew up in Italy. Intersecting religious identity with other identity lines such as national belonging (to the parents’ country of origin and to the country where they were born or grew up), gender, class, color and age, multiple reactions and positions emerged. In this context, the religious dimension inherited/experienced/reinvented/called into question by the daughters of migrations appeared to be in constant evolution. Indeed, the stories contained herein of young Muslims tell of the emergence of European Islam.     

Towards the elsewhere: discourses on migration and mobility practices between Morocco and Italy

The objective of this article is to analyse the preparation process of young Moroccan migrants intended to migrate to Italy. My focus is on the personal and collective formulation of their desire to leave and on concomitant action taken to bring about these aspirations; highlighting the complexity of the imagination, which migration – and expected return – entails. A second point of interest is the agency exerted by such youth, as they prepare for departure; even when they have not yet physically left the country. In addition, my observation is focussed on networks emerging as a result of having to deal with state-imposed, migration restrictions, as well as with the politics of humanitarian agencies and NGOs. I argue that these aspiring migrants project themselves into the future and act in accordance with what they long to become. They shape themselves as mobile subjects through a process of self-making to overcome the above-mentioned constraints.     

The Past is Ever Present: Transnationalism Old and New – Italian and Mexican Immigrants in the US

The paper focuses on what is old and what is new in transnationalism by analyzing extraterritorial attempts of the Italian and Mexican governments. During the large southern/ eastern European immigration to the US from 1890 to the 1920s, Italian immigrants reached 24 percent of the immigrant wave. Mexican documented and undocumented immigrants from the 1980s until 2010s made up 30 percent of the immigrant wave almost a century later. Transnational immigrants live in a country in which they do not claim citizenship rights and claim citizenship rights in a country they do not live in. Therefore migration and immigrant policies challenge both sending and receiving states. Foreign governments are limited in the policies and practices that they can enforce. A comparison of state policies from Italy and Mexico challenges the fact that transnationalism is significantly different and new.     

New Chinese Migrants in Italy

Italy joined the group of European nations with a positive migratory balance in 1980, but now the presence of an immigrant workforce is definitely embedded in the Italian development model. The shift from a net emigration to net immigration country occurred when the internal migration from southern Italy, which had provided the factories in northern Italy with the necessary manpower for their economic development, was coming to an end, and productive decentralization was beginning with the re‐emergence of small businesses. Twenty years later, small dynamic businesses that are mainly clustered in industrial districts specializing in local production are a distinctive feature of the Italian economy to the extent that among industrialized countries Italy counts the largest number of small businesses and the lowest number of employees per business (Accornero, 2000). Starting from the 1980s, opportunities for a low‐skilled labour force opened for new migrants mainly in these productive activities. In addition, throughout the 1980s and the 1990s niche opportunities for self‐employment in workshops producing for Italian suppliers were also appearing or expanding. Among other migrant groups arriving in Italy were those of Chinese origin. The crucial time for the recent migration flow from China to Italy — either directly or via other European countries, such as France and Holland — can be dated from the early 1980s. Since then, a succession of unskilled workers originating almost exclusively from the south‐eastern Chinese province of Zhejiang arrived in the country, after the family‐based chains of emigration that had almost come to a halt during the years of the Cultural Revolution had again been revitalized. The number of immigrants of Chinese origin has grown rapidly over the last 20 years, as has the number of businesses owned by the Chinese. By today, the Chinese migrant community shows the strongest entrepreneurial aptitude, and, according to recent national data, account for the largest number of small business owners among non‐European Union (EU) immigrants in Italy. Unlike the situation in most of the western European countries, such as Great Britain and the Netherlands, where the Chinese are active mainly in the catering service, in Italy their main areas of activity are the production of ready‐to‐wear garments, leather garments and bags, and woollen sweaters. Until recently, these seemed to be the only productive sectors open to Chinese immigrants. However, new trends are emerging in the employment patterns of the Chinese in Italy. The two most striking new features are the expansion from performing only simple manufacturing tasks for Italian suppliers to actually managing the entire productive process in the garment sector, and the growing employment in Italian firms, especially in the dynamic industrial districts where migrants of other origins were already working in large numbers.     

‘Implicit’ remittances in family relationships: The case of Bangladeshis in Italy and beyond

In this article – based on 100 in-depth interviews with divided and reunited Bangladeshi families in Italy, Bangladesh, and London – we discuss how remittances are influenced by gender relations within the family, what social meanings they assume, what family memberships they reinforce, how the intertwining between migration and family cycle affects them. By adopting an intersectional approach, we show how economic transfers are normally sent to the family of the first-migrant man, although they may assist the emigration of the wife's male relatives: a phenomenon that we call ‘implicit remittances’. A second set of results concerns changes over time in remittances and two events of the family cycle are decisive: the family reunification in Italy and the demise of parents in the country of origin. In both cases, remittances are reduced, cease, or are limited to gifts in particular circumstances.     

The causes of international labor migrations--a demand-determined approach

The author first studies the reasons why people migrate using a neoclassical approach concerning income differentials. He tests this approach empirically and demonstrates its limits. A demand-determination approach based on human capital theory is then outlined to overcome these limits and to take into account restrictive immigration controls. Migration from Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, and Turkey to the European Community destination countries is examined. It is concluded that "the demand for immigrants in the destination country is the decisive condition for the phenomenon of international labor migration, and the supply of migration-willing workers is only a necessary condition."     

Migration in Southern Europe and the Case of Greece

In recent decades, the southern European countries of Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece have all undergone transformation from senders to receivers of migrants. On the basis of this common feature, they have been grouped together in recent discussions of migration experiences and prospects. However, as revealed in comparisons made possible by the newly available data set from Greece's first regularization programme, the migration experience of Greece departs radically from that of other southern European countries. To an extent unparalleled in southern Europe, Greece has been subject to an immigration impact as the result of the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, some of which share borders with Greece. Characteristics of Greece's major source countries differ from those of other countries of southern Europe (1) in that they are former communist countries that appear to have a long and difficult road of economic transition ahead, (2) with respect to proximity, and (3) in terms of dominance of a single source country. These differences have important implications for future patterns of migration and of articulation of the labour markets of receiving countries with those of specific sending countries.     

Some Migration Dynamics Specific to Southern Europe: South-North and East-West Axis

This article examines the magnitude and determinants of migration from east to west (Europe) following the collapse of communism, and from south (Africa) to north (Europe).
Special attention is given to assessing numbers and characteristics (including illegal) of the flows, and also to reasons for and success of bilateral agreements and cooperative projects by the governments of Italy and Spain designed to check and control the flows.
Notwithstanding tighter controls on visas for Third World nationals, migration to western Europe does not seem to have abated. In Italy, illegal migration from the east (Albania in particular) is connected, directly or indirectly, with the criminal underworld.
The inventory of legal texts and agreement protocols between Spain and Morocco designed to resolve many issues relating to migration, reflect long-standing relations between the two countries. Political and economic relations between Italy and Albania, on the other hand, have developed only within the framework of recent policies.
While the presence of Moroccans in Spain and Albanians in Italy is not yet demographically significant, the authors predict that, in the absence of further appropriate political and economic measures, numbers will increase.     

The framing of return from above and below in Ecuadorian migration: a project,a myth,or a political device?

Although return migration is a significant topic in current policy, the competing interests of sending and destination countries in promoting it and the prospects of making return strategies ‘from above’ a viable and desirable option for migrants are relatively neglected topics. In this article, I explore the distinct agendas, meanings and expectations underlying the prospects of return migration from Ecuador to Italy. I approach this recent migration flow through ethnography and an institutional analysis of the policy strategies and discourses emerging in the source country. The Ecuadorian government has recently developed a Plan Retorno aimed at facilitating emigrants’ return and economic reintegration. The narratives of Ecuadorian migrants generally reveal a deep‐rooted expectation to return home. While initially hoping to return home ‘soon’, however, migrants systematically tend to postpone their homecoming. When it does take place in the short term, it is likely to be through migration ‘failure’ rather than an actual accomplishment of their earlier objectives. Given the distinct interests and expectations driving them, it is possible to assess the relationship between the two approaches to return. I conclude that return migration, irrespective of its actual accomplishment, is relevant to a better understanding of emigrant policies and of immigrant life trajectories overseas.