Education,immigration and occupational mobility: a short-term analysis

The author examines the relationship between education and occupational status for immigrants and natives in the United States by analyzing the short-term occupational mobility of selected members of the 1965-1970 immigrant cohort. The effects of race, ethnicity, age, and family and marital status on this relationship are considered. The relationship between short-term mobility and the emigration of the foreign-born from the United States is also studied (SUMMARY IN FRE, SPA)     

The Occupational Assimilation of Hispanic Immigrants in the U.S.: Evidence from Panel Data1

This study focuses on the occupational component of the labor market adjustment of Hispanic immigrants. The author asks whether Hispanic immigrants assimilate with natives and what factors influence occupational attainment. The findings suggest that years since migration narrow the socioeconomic gap between Hispanic immigrants, their U.S.‐born Hispanic counterparts, and non‐Hispanic whites. The level of human capital affects the rate of occupational mobility and determines whether convergence occurs in the groups’ socioeconomic occupational status. The occupational status of Hispanic immigrants with low human capital remains fairly stable and does not converge with that of non‐Hispanic whites. However, those with high human capital experience upward occupational mobility. In part, their occupational assimilation is driven by the acquisition of human capital among younger Hispanic immigrants.     

Aspects of occupational mobility and attainment among immigrants in Australia

The occupational distributions of the native-born and foreign-born in the Australian labor market differ greatly. The disparity between the occupational distributions is greatest among the middle age-bracket, and among immigrants from Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean region. Analysis of occupational attainment using unit record data from the 1981 Census shows that as duration of residence in Australia lengthens, the occupational distribution of the overseas-born converges toward that of the Australian-born. Moreover, birthplace groups differ in the degree of upward mobility associated with length of residence in Australia: immigrants from non-English-speaking countries tend to make greater occupational advances than their counterpart from English-speaking countries. This suggests a higher degree of international transferability of human capital skills among immigrants from English-speaking countries. The analysis also highlights the concentration of immigrants from non-English speaking countries in low-ranked occupations, and the relatively minor influence of education on the occupational attainment of immigrants from these birth place regions.     

Challenging transitions? Assessing the occupational mobility patterns of US immigrants by gender

This article uses the New Immigrant Survey to assess the occupational mobility of US immigrants. Estimates from OLS and Heckman selection models show the occupational mobility of immigrants follows a U-shaped pattern: immigrants arriving in the United States see their occupational status decline before it gradually improves. However, even 9 years after coming to the United States, the occupational status of immigrants remains lower than prior to their arrival in the country. Our findings also suggest that immigrant women with higher occupational status tend to move more often to the United States than immigrant men. Conversely, immigrant women are more likely than men to experience career interruptions after migration. Finally, occupational employment growth rates (defined as the growth rate in the number of jobs for an occupation) have a positive impact on both men and women immigrants' ability to recover their occupational status, though the impact appears to be greater for immigrant women.     

How Contexts of Reception Matter: Comparing Peruvian Migrants’ Economic Trajectories in Japan and the US

This paper examines how Peruvian migrants fare economically in two historically and culturally distinct host countries, Japan and the US, drawing upon a survey and interviews conducted in both countries. Peruvian migrants surveyed share similar socio‐economic backgrounds and migrated to both countries for similar reasons roughly around the same time. Yet, over time, they achieved more occupational upward mobility in the US than in Japan. Japan has not done quite as well as the US in providing immigrants with occupational opportunities due to its less diversified immigrant labor market, limited entrepreneurship opportunities, and restricted modes of immigrant incorporation. Does it mean, however, that Peruvian migrants are less successful in Japan than the US? Although occupational mobility is a commonly used measure of social mobility, the definitions and meanings of “success” are context‐dependent. Peruvians in the US do experience more occupational mobility, but diverge more greatly in economic achievement amongst themselves. In Japan, on the other hand, while they experience little occupational mobility, they have had more economic equality with relatively stable and high wages. The paper examines Peruvian migrants’ distinct economic trajectories over time, focusing on their occupational mobility. We conclude that occupational mobility matters, not necessarily because it accompanies higher income, but because it shapes migrants’ aspirations. In the context where immigrants’ destinations have become more diverse in the world, the paper provides insights into how immigrants “make it” and what it means to “make it” in recent destinations, such as Japan, in comparison to more traditional immigrant countries, such as the US.     

Best of times,worst of times,and occupational mobility: the case of Soviet immigrants in Israel

This article compares the incorporation of two groups of immigrants from the former Soviet Union into the Israeli labour market.
The first group arrived in Israel in 1979 and the second group arrived in 1990. The first period was characterized by a small number of immigrants (best of times), and the second period was characterized by mass migration (worst of times).
Using data sets assembled by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, labour force status of the two groups in Israel were examined four years after arrival (1983 and 1994, respectively). We found no difference in rate of labour force participation but considerable differences in the rate of occupational mobility between the two groups of immigrants.
Specifically, the data reveal that immigrants were able to find employment in both periods. However, during periods of mass migration, recent immigrants had experienced higher rates of downward occupational mobility and greater loss of occupational status.     

Patterns of Immigrant Occupational Attainment in a Longitudinal Survey

This paper uses data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia to examine the empirical relevance of a model of immigrant occupational mobility. Consistent with the model, there is a U‐shaped pattern of occupational change from the pre‐immigration occupation through to the occupation held after three‐and‐a‐half years in Australia. The U is shallower for immigrants from countries similar to Australia than it is for immigrants from countries that differ more in language, occupational requirements, and labour market structure. The U‐shaped pattern is deeper for immigrants who are refugees than for family migrants and is the least deep for economic migrants.     

Occupational status and mobility among undocumented immigrants by gender

Immigration has long been a national and state concern. The 1989 Legalized Population Survey (LPS-1) collected data on illegal immigrants to the US who subsequently became legalized aliens under the provisions of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. These data are used in a study assessing whether undocumented male and female immigrants improve their earnings and occupational status over time and the extent of variation in occupational status and mobility by gender and region. The data indicate that both undocumented men and women, on average, improved their earnings and occupational status between their first jobs in the US and their jobs just before applying for legalization under the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. However, the earnings, occupational status, and occupational mobility of men were greater than for women.     

Occupational mobility among immigrants: the impact of migration on economic success in Australia

"By analyzing national survey data collected among immigrants to Australia, this article examines immigrant occupational mobility. For immigrants, the results show economic disadvantages are caused by the act of migration itself rather than by economic experiences in their new country. Occupational status is depressed at the beginning of the immigrants' Australian working career, and this in turn diminishes occupational status throughout the working lives of the immigrants and accounts for the economic disadvantages they face."     

Generational Shifts in Language Use Among US Latinos: Mobility,Education and Occupation

The role of language and linguistic assimilation among Latinos has a direct impact on both education and occupation in terms of social mobility. The relationship can be examined with a generational context as language usage changes from first generation immigrants to third generation immigrants. The specific question being addressed herein is whether language or ethnicity had more impact on Latinos’ mobility in terms of educational achievement and occupational prestige. Results presented in this paper imply the importance and impact of the maximization of the accumulation of linguistic capital in order to accelerate the acquisition of educational attainment.     

Immigrant socioeconomic mobility in the United States: Mechanisms of inequality and the role of ethnic capital

We review recent social science research on the socioeconomic mobility of immigrants to the United States by focusing on the educational, occupational, and income attainments among immigrant adults, the first‐generation, and the educational attainment of their children, the New Second‐Generation. Existing research has identified significant inequalities in educational attainment between second‐generation Asian and Latinx immigrant groups. Researchers have also highlighted the importance of ethnic capital for mobility, but we find that they have largely proceeded with the assumption that co‐ethnic ties are easily available as a benefit for immigrants upon resettlement. We propose that future research on immigrant socioeconomic mobility should incorporate conceptual insights from economic and cultural sociology as well as use comparative ethnographic research designs to directly observe how ethnic capital operates to challenge or reinforce patterns of socioeconomic inequality.     

Do Pathways Matter? Linking Early Immigrant Employment Sequences and Later Economic Outcomes: Evidence from Canada

Employment mobility is a critical feature of immigrants’ settlement experiences and longer‐term life chances. While current research typically treats mobility as a singular outcome, becoming established in a new labor market is a complex process that can entail multiple transitions in and out of employment and between different types of jobs over time. This article advances understanding of the process of immigrant labor market incorporation by engaging with its potentially multidimensional, cumulative, and path‐dependent aspects. Using data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, I test the impact of an empirically derived typology of month‐by‐month immigrant employment trajectories on the odds of occupational degradation and on weekly wages. I find that the pathways immigrants take through the labor market in their first four years constitute a distinct and important mechanism shaping later employment outcomes.     

Immigrants and their occupational absorption: the Israeli case

This paper examines immigrants' occupational absorption by using 1) immigrants' satisfaction with their work in Israel, 2) similarity between jobs held abroad and in Israel, and 3) degree of occupational status persistence. In 1982, 41.9% of the Israeli population was foreign-born, and 84.2% were either immigrants or immigrants' children. 1972-1982 showed 1) a decrease in full-time employed persons and an increase in women's labor force participation; 2) higher educational levels; 3) an increase in scientific, academic, professional, technical, administrative, managerial, and clerical workers; and 4) lower unemployment. These trends, with Israel's high rate of inflation, make the adsorption of immigrants difficult. 80% of immigrants find work within 1 year; and, within 3 years, 78.7% report satisfaction with their work. 1) Status persistence, 2) ascent, 3) selectivity, 4) descent, and 5) random models describe immigrants change in socio-occupational status, before and after immigration. Data from the Statistical Abstract of Israel 1983 show downward mobility for immigrants in their first year. More than 1/3 of scientific and academic professionals in 1975-78, 45.2% in 1978/79, and 56.2% in 1979/80 were not employed in their previous occupations. After 3-5 years, however, most immigrants find employment in their fields. Women have lower status persistence, and hence, higher job mobility, than men; immigrants from European USSR and Western countries have higher status maintenance.     

Paths to Mobility: The Mexican Second Generation at Work in a New Destination

Prior studies have shown that children of Mexican immigrants face structural challenges that threaten to obstruct their economic success in young adulthood. Drawing on 58 interviews with upwardly mobile young adult children of Mexican immigrants in a new immigrant destination in the U.S. South, I examine how a group of second‐generation Mexicans has made occupational gains during their early employment careers. They activated three resources in mobility‐promoting ways given the demographic, economic, and social characteristics of their community. The resources include parental support, advice and guidance from extrafamilial mentors, and bilingualism in English and Spanish.     

A Longitudinal Analysis of Immigrant Occupational Mobility: A Test of the Immigrant Assimilation Hypothesis1

This article develops a model of the occupational mobility of immigrants and tests the hypotheses using data on males from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia, Panel I. The theoretical model generates hypotheses regarding a U‐shaped pattern of occupational mobility from the “last job” in the origin, to the “first job” in the destination, to subsequent jobs in the destination, and regarding the depth of the “U.” The survey includes data on pre‐immigration occupation, the “first” occupation in Australia (at six months) and the occupation after about three‐and‐a‐half years in Australia. The hypotheses are supported by the empirical analysis.     

Occupational Mobility and Culture Maintenance: The Welsh in a Nineteenth Century Australian Gold Town

This article quantifies the concentration of Welsh male immigrants in a nineteenth- century Australian gold town within one occupational category (gold mining), and considers the extent to which that concentration was maintained and the relevance of this economic specialisation to culture maintenance. In addition, this study provides an analysis of intragenerational and intergenerational changes in socio-economic status amongst the Welsh, as indicated by occupational shifts, which gives a clearer picture than the images promulgated by contemporary Welsh leaders who strove to emphasize the industry and upward mobility of their fellow countrymen.     

Occupational Mobility and Culture Maintenance: The Welsh in a Nineteenth Century Australian Gold Town

This article quantifies the concentration of Welsh male immigrants in a nineteenth- century Australian gold town within one occupational category (gold mining), and considers the extent to which that concentration was maintained and the relevance of this economic specialisation to culture maintenance. In addition, this study provides an analysis of intragenerational and intergenerational changes in socio-economic status amongst the Welsh, as indicated by occupational shifts, which gives a clearer picture than the images promulgated by contemporary Welsh leaders who strove to emphasize the industry and upward mobility of their fellow countrymen.     

Family class immigrants to Canada 1981-1984: part 2: some aspects of social adaptation

This paper examines the adaptation of Family Class immigrants in Canada in the acquisition of language proficiency, geographic mobility, education and training, government services used, and sponsorship of other Family Class immigrants. The data were acquired in a 1983 telephone survey of 1400 immigrants in 5 metropolitan areas (Toronto, Montreal, Winnipeg, Calgary, and Vancouver). In the sample, 1) 2/5 were male; 2) 40% were age 35 or over; 3) 69% of the men and 64% of the women reported good or excellent spoken English; and 4) the average family size varied by origin, from 2.5 to 4.7, with the average being 3.9. Close to 75% from South Asia, Central and South America, the Middle East, Africa, and Western Europe and 50% from other parts of Europe had excellent or good fluency in spoken English. No ability to speak English was 3 times greater for immigrants aged 55-64 compared to those aged 18-24. More than 46% of the sample reported having taken classes in Canada that lasted more than 2 weeks. English courses predominated with occupational courses close behind, followed by general education courses. In 68% of cases, occupational courses helped immigrants improve their occupational ability. Immigrants perceived English courses to be slightly more helpful in finding employment (36%) than occupational courses (33%). 3/4 of the sample lived in the same dwelling as 12 months before; 23% had moved to a different dwelling in the same municipality. 2/3 moved to live in a better dwelling or neighborhood or because they bought a house. 4/5 of Family Class immigrants did not receive any services from Canada Employment Centres. Over 95% reported that a nuclear family member acted as their sponsor. The propensity to sponsor a relative varies by age, sex, marital status, occupation, income, length of time in Canada, number and type of relatives, and country of origin. Their sponsorship rate is not higher than rates reported in other studies. The author concludes that contrary to popular beliefs, Family Class immigrants are socially adapting to life in Canada rather rapidly.     

Gender differences in the occupational status of undocumented immigrants in the United States: experience before and after legalization

"This article examines the incorporation of a national sample of undocumented immigrants both before and after they applied to legalize their status under the provisions of the [U.S.] Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA). Data from the 1989 and 1992 Legalized Population Surveys (LPS-1 and LPS-2) are used. These surveys provide labor force and occupational data for three critical reference periods: as newly arrived undocumented immigrants, as experienced undocumented immigrants, and as documented immigrants.... The overall upward mobility of both men and women between first job and the occupation held at time of application for legalization continued after legalization. On average, men also continued to report higher status jobs than women, although women did somewhat better after their status was legalized." This is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America.     

Early career occupational mobility of Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants in Flanders,Belgium

This article analyses the early career occupational mobility of people from a Turkish or Moroccan descent in Flanders (Belgium). Previous research showed that second-generation migrants are less successful than natives when entering the labour market. We compare the progress in socio-economic status (SES) that youngsters of native and non-native descent make from their first to later jobs at the start of their career. Both second-generation immigrants and native majority young adults experience upward occupational mobility during this crucial phase of their occupational career. The gap between native and ethnic minority youth, however, does not narrow over the course of the years. The first job offers less SES for non-natives compared to that of natives, and the minority-native gap in occupational attainment remains constant afterwards. The future career is largely determined by the characteristics of the start of the occupational career, and educational attainment even before. Promising, however, might be the finding that a first job with a relative low occupational status does offer better opportunities for Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants than for native majority youth to do some catching up later on. In combination with a long-term negative impact of initial unemployment, ethnic minority youth perhaps are best off with starting to work as soon as possible after school leaving.