邓小平关于少数民族和民族地区发展的理论与政策--纪念邓小平诞辰100周年系列论文之五

邓小平关于少数民族和民族地区发展的理论与政策,明确提出了帮助少数民族和民族地区发展的政策是坚定不移的,少数民族地区发展中要把国家帮助与自力更生结合起来.指出改革和开放是少数民族和民族地区发展的需要,但必须立足于本民族和本地区的实际;加速现代化建设,促进各民族共同繁荣.     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于发展少数民族和民族地区事业的理论与政策--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之十

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于发展民族地区社会事业的理论与政策的基本观点包括大力发展民族地区的各项社会事业,关系到国家的长治久安和富强;发展民族地区的科技、文化、教育事业,提高少数民族的科学文化素质;发展民族卫生、体育事业,增强人民体质;结合少数民族实际,实行计划生育和优生优育,提高人口素质;少数民族人口增长与经济社会发展相协调.     

坚持以邓小平民族理论指导民族地区工作

本文认为 ,坚持以邓小平民族理论指导民族地区工作 ,必须立足于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情 ,坚持以经济建设为中心 ,加快少数民族和民族地区的经济发展和社会进步 ;实行真正的民族平等 ,巩固和发展平等、团结、互助的社会主义民族关系 ;积极推进民族法制建设 ,坚持和完善民族区域自治制度 ;大力培养少数民族干部 ,为民族地区现代化建设服务     

论毛泽东、邓小平民族发展观的基本原则

促进少数民族地区的发展与繁荣，是推进中国社会全面发展的客观需要。毛泽东、邓小平两代领导人都非常重视少数民族地区的发展，他们都以马克思主义的民族理论为指导，结合中国各民族的实际情况，在长期的探索和实践过程中，形成了自己比较系统的民族发展观，回答并解决了少数民族地区如何发展和发展的道路、发展的途径、发展的方式等一系列问题，对促进少数民族地区的发展与繁荣产生了重大的影响。尽管毛泽东和邓小平在不同历史条件和不同发展时期形成的民族发展观，     

民族中学发展模式探新——以武汉市民族中学为研究对象的实证研究

教育是少数民族和民族地区发展的根本大计,加快少数民族和民族地区发展必须优先发展教育。我国是一个统一的多民族国家,党和国家历来重视少数民族和民族地区教育事业的发     

建国初期发展少数民族教育的理论与政策

1949年10月1日新中国成立,标志着我国废除了历史上长期存在的不平等的民族压迫制度,进入了一个各民族平等团结、友爱合作、繁荣发展的新时代,少数民族教育事业也步入了一个新的历史阶段.建国初期,党和国家十分重视少数民族和民族地区的教育事业的发展,根据少数民族和民族地区的特点和实际情况先后制定了一系列发展少数民族教育事业的重大政策和措施.     

论邓小平民族发展理论的科学体系

本文认为民族发展理论是邓小平民族理论的重要组成部分。马列主义、毛泽东思想是邓小平民族发展理论的思想基础，少数民族和民族地区的实际是它的实践基础。邓小平民族发展理论内容包括：大力促进各民族和民族地区生产力水平的提高；促进各民族的全面进步；先富带动后富，最终实现共同富裕；坚持民族区域自治制度；坚持国家帮助与自力更生相结合；坚持依靠广大人民群众和坚持党的领导等等。     

(二)为什么要大力发展民族教育

民族教育是指我国少数民族的教育事业,是民族地区社会发展事业的重要组成部分,大力发展民族教育,对少数民族地区,乃至全国的社会主义现代化建设都具有十分重要的战略意义。 1、发展民族教育是民族地区社会主义物质文明建设的基础和决定因素。在人类科学技术飞速发展的今天,提高少数民族社会生产力和劳动生产率,繁荣发展民族经济,建设民族     

中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论是马克思主义民族理论在中国发展的新阶段--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之十四

中国共产党第三代领导集体的民族理论,继承和发展了马克思主义民族理论,是马克思主义民族理论在中国发展的新阶段.本文主要论述了关于少数民族地区经济发展和改革开放的理论、关于培养少数民族干部和民族工作理论、关于少数民族地区社会事业发展理论等方面的继承和发展.     

重庆:有所为有所不为

"十一五"时期,重庆市利用少数民族发展资金扶持少数民族和民族地区项目700余个,有力地促进了少数民族和民族地区经济社会发展。"十一五"期间,市委、市政府每年安排2000万元市级少数民族发展资金,重点扶持渝东南民族地区特色产业和社会事业发展。为用好市级少数民族发展资金,     

铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识的价值、困境及路径

大量少数民族由农村迁移至城市,既为城市的发展注入了活力,也为民族工作和城市治理带来了挑战。铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识是做好民族工作的关键,能够帮助少数民族更好地适应并融入城市生活,并有助于在城市地区进一步做好民族团结进步示范创建工作,有效破解城市治理的难题。应从完善保障城市少数民族合法权益的机制和体制,努力提高城市少数民族贫困群众的生活质量与水平,关注并及时满足城市少数民族的精神需求,充分调动和发挥城市常住少数民族群众的积极性和带头作用四个方面去铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识。     

少数民族预科人才培养模式研究与实践

为加快少数民族地区人才培养,我国一些高校开展了少数民族预科教育。作为国家的一项民族政策,少数民族预科教育应提高人才培养质量,为民族地区的教育和经济发展做出更大的贡献。本文章结合本校民族预科教育的特点和预科学生的实际情况,对少数民族预科人才培养模式谈自己的几点见解。     

坚持和优化民族政策与民族地区和谐社会构建

制定和实施民族政策是促进我国少数民族和民族地区发展的重要保障,坚持和优化民族政策是加快民族地区和谐社会构建的重要举措,根据民族地区和谐社会构建的客观要求,加强对民族政策的针对性研究具有重大的现实意义。     

民族区域自治制度与民族关系和谐的实证研究——基于云南藏区的问卷调查

本文以问卷调查采集的数据为依据,运用实证分析的方法对云南藏区民族区域自治政策落实情况与民族关系作了相关考察。认为民族区域自治制度的实现程度与民族关系的和谐呈显著正相关;民族认同与国家认同并不相悖,国家认同高于民族认同,民族认同寓于国家认同中;民族区域自治制度巩固了平等、团结、互助、和谐的民族关系;当代中国各民族的国家认同植根于中国特色社会主义伟大实践中,并将得到进一步巩固和升华。     

Concepts of national identity and the readiness for conflict behaviour

This article examines the process of national identity formation among ethnic minorities in the Crimea – specifically, the moderation effects of concepts of national identity on interrelations between conflict indicators and readiness for conflict or compromise for two ethnic minorities in Crimea. Based on a survey in the Crimea, results show that concepts of national identity moderate the effects of ethnic identity, ethnocentrism and economic deprivation on individual conflict behaviour. Research show that civic concept of national identity significantly reduces readiness for conflict among ethnic minorities. The position of a minority within the nation regulates impact of ethnic and multicultural concepts on readiness to fight with other groups.     

和谐社会建构下的少数民族新闻事业

我国是由五十六个民族组成的统一多民族国家,少数民族新闻工作是我国新闻事业的重要组成部分.在构建社会主义和谐社会的过程中,少数民族新闻工作应该从推动经济建设、宣传民族政策、倡导先进文化方面入手,总结经验,增强服务意识,提高水平,在具体工作中为构建和谐社会做出更大贡献.     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

Multicultural nationalism? National identities among minority groups in Scotland’s census

This paper uses data from a new question in the 2011 UK censuses of population to investigate national identities among ethnic and religious minorities. It focuses primarily on Scotland, while presenting comparative data for England and Wales. A robust comparison of national identities between different minorities in Scotland and with similar groups in other nations of Britain has previously not been possible because ethnic and religious minority groups represent a small proportion of Scotland’s population and are weakly represented in sample surveys. The new census question on national identity therefore offers an unprecedented opportunity for this kind of analysis. The analysis is used to critically evaluate previous claims of the existence of multicultural nationalism in Scotland and previous research that has suggested that Scottish identity is relatively inclusive of people in minority groups. The findings suggest that while Scottish national identity is relatively inclusive of minorities in some respects, the conclusions of previous research should be treated with some caution.