Latino Immigration,Interaction, and Homicide Victimization

As Latinos spread across the United States, many Americans have begun to fear that their arrival will spark an increase in crime. Unfortunately, early explanations of the immigration-crime link, which found that immigrants disorganized communities, focused on the experience of Eastern European immigrants. This article updates previous literature by focusing on the experience of Latino immigrants. I find that (1) Latino immigration is linked to crime only in new Latino destinations, (2) this link is mitigated by increased interaction among Latinos, and (3) Latino interaction lowers victimization regardless of destination.     

Dutch Immigration Policy and the Myth of Return

A primera vista hay una buena concordancia formidable que se manifiesta por un lado entre el esfuerzo en general de imigrantcs recién Ilegados a Holanda, Surinamenos y los obreros visitantes natural de los paises alrededores del Mcditeraneo y por otro lajo el punto de vista del gobierno holandés cuando se trata de la oportunidad de la rémigración. Eso sin embargo es aparentemente porque los motivos a este fin diferencian absolutamente entre ambos particos. Tratándose especialmente de una ideologia con poca fuerza profética por parte de los migrantes mismos, por parte del gobierno holandés el deseo para hacer repatriar a los imigrantes procede más bien de consideraciones politicas en cuanto a intolerancia hacia las minorias étnicas. En efecto la reémigración se realiza muy pocas veces, las condiciones a este fin a penas existen. Hay que vonfrontarse con la realidad, a pesar de las declaraciones repetidas de parte del gobierbo para demonstrar lo contrario Holanda se ha vuelto en un pais de imigracion.     

The politics of Latino publics: Immigration reform,political participation and intention to vote

Latinos are the largest U.S. minority group and are poised to play an increasingly important role in U.S. society. Public relations practitioners who work in politics should be interested in what motivates young Latinos to participate in politics. This study reports the findings of a national nonprobability survey with young Latinos (N = 434). The analysis explores how demographic variables, acculturation, political ideology and media use predict perceptions of the importance of immigration reform, reported political participation, and vote likelihood in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Of the dependent variables, findings show that acculturation (β = ?0.13) only predicts perceptions of the importance of immigration reform, suggesting acculturation’s effects are issue specific. Interest in politics is the largest influential factor in predicting all of the dependent variables.     

Reconsidering the Unusual Suspect: Immigration and the 1990s Crime Decline

The United States experienced a dramatic decline in crime during the 1990s. A number of explanations for this decline have been put forth, including demographic shifts, economic trends, stricter gun control laws, and changes in drug markets. A widely reported explanation is that the surge of immigration during the 1990s was the main cause for that decade's crime decline. Although the claim has received considerable attention, it has yet to be tested empirically using national‐level data. In order to fully test the immigration‐1990s crime decline relationship, we use national‐level homicide and Census data from 1990 to 2000. Our results reveal four key findings: (1) crime declined for nearly all groups during the 1990s; (2) non‐Latino blacks contributed the most to the crime decline, by a wide margin; (3) both overall and black homicide declined the least in areas with the highest levels of immigration; and (4) we find no evidence that immigration indirectly lowered non‐immigrant crime rates by revitalizing communities. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings.     

Constructing Ethnicity: Myth of Return and Modes of Exclusion among Israelis in Toronto

Drawing upon data from ninety intensive interviews and from participatory observations of various social gatherings of Israelis living in Toronto, this study explores the role of the desire to return to the mother-country in the production of a distinctive ethnic community.
Although plans to return rarely materialize, they do contribute to both the individual's psychological well-being and the group's need to defy assimilation. On a personal level, the myth of return enables the immigrant to live in two social worlds; on a social level, the myth creates a collective fantasy which leads to excluding members from outsiders.
The research identifies modes of self-exclusion such as preservation of language, reinforcement of romanticized biographies and enhancement of stereotypes, all of which are instrumental in reconstructing Israeliness in the Diaspora. The rise of special "Israeli" organizations such as clubs, a radio station, schools, newspapers and synagogues, represent a resistance to integrate into the organized Jewish community.
Modes of exclusion and the emergence of Israeli ethnic organizations are constantly energized by the individual, as well as the collective, objective to return to the homeland. Paradoxically, the myth of return, rather than contributing to the fragility of Israel ethnic networks, provides the very foundation upon which this ethnic community is constructed.     

Race and the Religious Contexts of Violence: Linking Religion and White,Black, and Latino Violent Crime

Research has demonstrated that concentrated disadvantage and other measures are strongly associated with aggregate‐level rates of violence, including across racial and ethnic groups. Less studied is the impact of cultural factors, including religious contextual measures. The current study addresses several key gaps in prior literature by utilizing race/ethnic‐specific arrest data from California, New York, and Texas paired with religious contextual data from the Religious Congregations and Memberships Survey. Results suggest that, net of important controls, (1) religious contextual measures have significant crime‐reducing associations with violence; (2) these associations are race/ethnic specific; and (3) religious contextual measures moderate the criminogenic association between disadvantage and violence for blacks. Implications for future research are discussed.     

Creating a Latino/Hispanic Alliance

Abstract

The author presents an overview of the significance that key cultural elements such as race, color, and language have on affecting coalition building between and among Latinos/Hispanics in the U.S. A discourse on a proposed paradigm for coalition building is also presented.     

Collective Efficacy and Crime in Los Angeles Neighborhoods: Implications for the Latino Paradox*

We use data from the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Study (LAFANS) to examine the degree to which social ties and collective efficacy influence neighborhood levels of crime, net of neighborhood structural characteristics. Results indicate that residential instability and collective efficacy were each associated with lower log odds of robbery victimization, while social ties had a positive effect on robbery victimization. Further, collective efficacy mediated 77 percent of the association between concentrated disadvantage and robbery victimization, while social ties had no mediating effect. The mediation effect for concentrated disadvantage, however, was substantially weaker in the Latino neighborhoods (where it was 52%) than in the non‐Latino neighborhoods (where it was 82%), suggesting that a “Latino paradox” may be present in which crime rates in Latino neighborhoods appear to have less to do with local levels of collective efficacy than in non‐Latino neighborhoods. Implications for future research bearing on both the Latino paradox and the systemic model of social control are discussed.     

Framing Latina/o Immigration, Education, and Activism

Although Latinas/os have a long history in the USA and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in dominant images and discourses. Such representations are often ahistorical, and they camouflage the effects of US power and inequality. However, the spring 2006 immigrant rights demonstrations disturbed dominant conceptions. The demonstrators called attention to the contradictory US practices that disrupt home countries, recruit labor migrants, and deny immigrants full participation. Likewise, the role of students in these demonstrations spurred reflections on why youth would walk out of their schools for immigrant rights. Inspired by these demonstrations, we combine materials from multiple disciplines to emphasize the significance of US imperialism, exploitation, and exclusion on Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Key to this article is a reframing of how the media, K-12 curriculum, and popular discourse often engage in a cultural cover-up that sustains inequality.     

Social Exclusion,Social Identity and Social Work: Analysing Social Exclusion from a Material Discursive Perspective

Within this article I explore the concept of social exclusion, considering how it has been defined and the implications of this for social exclusion policy. It is suggested that the current use of the concept focuses on material definitions of exclusion, obscures the discursive origins of exclusion and tends to individualise the problem. I argue that we need to adopt a broader approach to defining and analysing social exclusion which understands social exclusion as a process which is influenced by both material and discursive factors. The connections between discourse, identity and marginalisation are discussed and these arguments are illustrated using examples related to different aspects of social identity. Finally the article presents a framework for analysing social exclusion from a material discursive perspective and suggests that adopting this perspective clarifies the role of social work in working with people who experience exclusionary processes.     

Latino Faces,Corporate Ties: Latino Advocacy Organizations and Their Board Membership

Although they have increased exponentially since the 1960s, social scientists know little about ethnic advocacy organizations. These nonprofits are important bridges between underresourced communities and mainstream funding organizations and their directors are established ethnic leaders. Sociologists study interlocking directorates—or shared board membership—to understand how organizations fit together within broader social networks. Network concepts, particularly the theory of institutional isomorphism, suggest that organizations are likely to be similar to the extent they are connected and operate within a common organizational field. We apply this logic to Latino advocacy organizations to examine the underlying source of cohesion across this ethnic field. We ask whether the organizations are tied by interlocking directorates of ethnic elites who sit on their boards of directors or if board members' common affiliation with other elite institutions creates the structural conditions that facilitate potential ideological or behavioral similarity. A social network analysis of five prominent Latino advocacy organizations reveals support for both hypotheses: Latino board members are both embedded in ethnic‐based networks and entrenched within elite organizational webs. This suggests that ethnic elites who sit on the boards of Latino advocacy organizations are also corporate elites, selected for the social capital they bring to these nonprofits.     

Crime, Crime News, and Crime Views

This paper compares police, newspaper, television, and publicimages of crime trends for the seven FBI index crimes over time,the relative frequency of occurrence of these offenses, andthe characteristics of persons committing them. Media presentationsof crime trends over time are found generally unrelated to trendsin police statistics. Newspaper presentation of the relativedistribution of crimes approximates police figures more closelythan does the television presentation. Public views of the relativedistribution of crimes but not of crime trends more closelyapproximate media presentations than police presentations. Television'simpact on public views of crime is apparently minor. Reasonsfor these findings and their implications for crime news reportingare discussed.     

Immigration,opportunity, and assimilation in a technology economy

Theory and Society - We examine access to institutions and opportunity for entrepreneurs in a rising tech economy. A significant proportion of entrepreneurs and CEOs of tech firms in the American...     

Immigration,proletarianization, and deproletarianization

Conclusion The strategy of deproletarianization attempted by groups of immigrants of the First and Second Aliyot was determined by the correspondence of three structures: settler capitalism, proletarianization, and ideology. These provided the realm of opportunities from 1882 to 1914. The Great War, which led to the downfall of the Ottoman empire and the establishment of a British administration, then changed the entire economy and politics of Palestine.In this article I divide the studied period into the first and second aliyot. The reader can observe that the correspondence between the above structures was not similar in each sub-period, and that deproletarianization was differently associated with ideology. It was a natural consequence of the immigration motives of the first aliya immigrants, it was not so in the second aliya.The prevailing deteriorating feudalistic mode of production in Palestine made it possible for the immigrants in 1882 and thereafter to establish a settler capitalism. However, the other processes that then occurred were in essence dependent on the socio-economy of the new Yishuv and its relations with the regional market. Proletarianization of immigrants of the first aliya may be considered to have occurred by default. The proto-capitalist system in the Moshavot did not need a Jewish proletariat to survive, because indigenous labor was available and cheap. The immigrants who became day laborers intended to become Ikarim. The economic situation compelled them to search for a solution to their immediate problem of survival. The ideology that prevailed in the motives of these immigrant workers determined to a limited, albeit significant, extent the selection and maintenance of certain forms of deproletarianization over others. In other words, as in many other historical cases, proletarianization was imposed upon individuals who could not maintain their position in the changing socioeconomy. But the first aliya proletariat was distinctive: first, its members were forced to became proletarian through voluntary immigration to a place where their predecessors - with the same background but with the means to purchase tracts of land - had established a protocapitalist sector in the agricultural sector. Second, their proletarianization took the form of day laboring in an expanding agricultural sector, and not as one can observe in Europe, where it was industry that was expanding.Each wave of immigrants brought to Palestine ideological and, to a certain extent, political assets. These had a mediating effect on the forms of adjustment made by the individuals and groups concerned, who, lacking financial capacity, had to choose between re-emigration or proletarianization. Although both waves of immigration developed the intension of alleviating the hardship of their situation, they employed different strategies to accomplish their aims. The first aliya immigrant workers attempted to arrest the process of proletarianization and join the petty bourgeois Ikarim. The second aliya immigrants, in contrast, considered proletarianization as inevitable. But they did not acquiesce to their position. Unlike their predecessors, their resistance was coupled with a peculiar combination of Zionist and socialist motives. This induced the creation of innovative deproletarianization solutions - working-class forms of production and consumption. In essence, deproletarianization was a pursuit of the realization of certain class interests, even though the concrete boundaries of the working class were still obscure. Imported ideology shaped the priorities involved in the selection of the forms of working-class settlements.Proletarianization was forced upon the immigrants not because of a transition from a feudal to capitalist society, as was witnessed at the same period by immigrant Jews to the United States, but rather from feudalism in transition in Russian and Eastern Europe to a retrogressively still more feudalistic system in Palestine. Thus, proletarianization did not result from the disposition and subordination of peasants or artisans by burgeoning capital, (except for a certain category of Arabs) but by the specific instance of an immigrant society encountering lower conditions of production in the country of immigration.The present case study amplifies two related issues. One, that the general law of proletarianization - an inevitable outcome of capitalism- is not to be taken literally. This has already been dealt with in a number of publications on industrialization and proletarianization in nineteenth-century Europe and also the United States. Second, in definite historical circumstances proletarianization may precede the emergence of industrialization, even of proto-industrialization. This is possible, as shown in this case, when immigrants who are motivated by a certain ideology, encounter less developed conditions of production. The deproletarianization strategies discussed here were initiated on the same grounds. One was aimed at integration into the proto-capitalist formation, the other at providing a different route of integration into the country through new forms of colonization.This strategy, still in embryo, marked the future formation of the Jewish working class in Palestine, even though it applied only to a minority of this class. By the creation of a working-class economy and political organizations, this class ensured its survival and development, and, two decades later, its dominance in the Yishuv.     

Gender,Generational Status,and Parent–Adolescent Sexual Communication: Implications for Latino/a Adolescent Sexual Behavior

There is little research on how specific parent–adolescent sexual communication topics influence Latino/a youth's sexual behaviors, and how gender and generational status may moderate effects. This study examined effects of three different messages on intercourse and condom use among 1,944 Latino/as from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (T1 mean age = 15.46; SD = 1.50). Results indicated discussing health consequences predicted higher odds of intercourse 1 year later across gender and generation groups. Birth control recommendation effects on subsequent intercourse and condom use differed by generational status and gender. Results indicated that message content is important for understanding effects of parent–adolescent sex communication on adolescents' behavior and underscored the need to consider gender and generational status in Latino/a parent–adolescent sexual communication studies.     

Participatory Citizenship: Identity, Exclusion, Inclusion

Representative, deliberative or participatory democracy? Whatform of government, or governance, is most suited to the challengesfaced by individual citizens, communities and nation statesin the globalized economies of the 21st Century? Mohanty andTandon stress the importance of addressing these issues at anumber of levels, drawing on theoretical and practice perspectiveswithin the context of the Indian sub-continent – whilstbeing mindful throughout that the emerging lessons, debatesand thinking presented by contributors to ‘ParticipatoryCitizenship’ have a much wider relevance. The editors and their contributors never refer directly to communitydevelopment. This is, in itself, interesting. In the contextof ‘developing countries’,