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1.
Do citizens living in linguistically diverse countries without benefit of diverse media outlets find this to be a barrier to civic engagement? This study considers the interrelated effects of media access and social capital on political engagement in 15 Eurasian countries as that region continues to transition to an open economy and democracy. Drawing upon individual-level survey data, and controlling for relevant political and socioeconomic factors, regression analyses suggest a significant impact of media plurality, interpersonal trust, and government confidence on both voting turnout and unconventional political participation. The effect of social capital is mixed. Results indicate that higher levels of trust contribute to participation, while greater confidence in government is associated with less participation. These preliminary tests also show that collective action is generally lower in countries having greater linguistic diversity, but suggest that having access to political news in one’s own language can indeed contribute to more activism.  相似文献   

2.
This study examines the long-held argument that civic participation transfers to political participation, as expressed by South Korean citizens. Compared to the majority of existing research that has focused primarily on Western developed countries, the present study examines South Korea, to which little scholarly attention has been devoted. Relying on the World Values Survey (2005–2006 wave), the present study finds that in South Korea, civic participation outside of the political sphere does push individuals to be more politically active. However, the results also demonstrate that there are more questions that need to be resolved. First, when the analysis unpacked the dependent variable—political participation—the relationship between civic engagement and attending demonstrations or signing petitions is robust. However, this is not the case for joining boycotts or taking part in voting. Moreover, when unpacking the independent variable—civic participation—this study finds that not every type of civic organization spawns political participation. There is a positive impact of non-political organizations, such as art, music, or charitable organizations, on political participation, while a negative impact exists for interest-based and political organizations, such as professional associations or environmental organizations.  相似文献   

3.
The United States of America's government relies on the people. Unfortunately, research illuminates a gradual decline in the civic and political participation among youth, ages 18-29, in the U.S. since the 1970s. While the decline takes shape in multiple forms other than voting, this article argues that teachers can improve students' civic engagement through the aide of social media. In order to achieve that goal, the article begins by defining civic engagement, especially within context of a digital age. Then describes three prominent classroom techniques for using social media found in the literature: micro-blogging, backchanneling, and virtual social networks. Finally, the article provides classroom-tested examples of how teachers can utilize the three techniques to promote the kind of civic and political engagement first defined.  相似文献   

4.
In response to challenges brought by population ageing, Hong Kong has adopted an active ageing policy framework and built age-friendly neighbourhoods to encourage the participation of older people. This article distinguishes between the civic and political participation and emphasizes active involvement in community and neighbourhood activities as a way to encourage the civic engagement of older adults. The promotion of age-friendliness is set at two levels: concerning policy and practical/operational issues, both of which are interrelated with the purpose of offering civic engagement opportunities for older people. The experiences of Hong Kong reflect both top-down and bottom-up approaches, where civic participation is promoted by encouraging life-long learning and developing caring communities, as well as carrying out a variety of neighourhood programmes. It is suggested that different stakeholders, such as older adults, NGOs and other social organizations, shall all be included and play important roles in promoting civic participation of the elderly through creating a conducive environment. The initiatives, whether these are in policy or at operational levels, should be integrated into actions that are aimed to enhance quality of life for all residents and create a more age-friendly neighbourhood.  相似文献   

5.
Young adults’ increasing disconnection with public affairs and heavy reliance on social media for political communication suggest a strategic use of social network sites (SNS) by the government to foster relationships with young citizens and to improve their citizenship. However, scholars and practitioners have not reached consensus about the exact influence of individuals’ experience with government SNS. Focusing on young eligible voters, this study proposes and tests a conceptual model that measures the perceptual, relational, and behavioral outcomes of public engagement with government agencies on SNS. Specifically, the findings revealed a positive influence of government SNS engagement on perceived government transparency, perceived political efficacy, and public participation but to varying degrees depending on the government level (e.g., federal, state, and local). This study suggests that there is limited influence of public engagement on the perceived government-citizen relationship quality through SNS. This empirical research demonstrates how a contextualized investigation of public engagement and relationship management provides insights into the role that SNS can play in connecting young adults to democracy.  相似文献   

6.
Previous research argues that political involvement not only reflects instrumental concern with political outcomes, but also involves normative motivations such as commitment to collective ideals. Consistent with this view, Americans with a strong sense of “patriotism” have been found to exhibit higher rates of participation than those with weaker attachment to their country ( Huddy and Khatib, 2007 ). However, citizens with high levels of formal education seem to be an exception. Despite scoring lower on conventional measures of “patriotism,” well‐educated Americans are among the most politically active segments of the population. In this article, it is hypothesized that formal education fosters an alternative, civic form of patriotism that conventional measures are unlikely to capture. Rather than reflecting attachment to a particular nation, civic patriotism is rooted in values and beliefs associated with democratic citizenship. Using data from the 2004 General Social Survey, it is found that civic patriotism helps mediate the education effect on two types of political engagement: grass‐roots activism and voting in elections.  相似文献   

7.
Civic participation constitutes a range of activities that strengthen participatory democracy, such as voting, volunteerism, association membership, or political and community activism. Factors associated with civic participation are community attachment, religious participation, and quality of life satisfaction. Using a sample of 55 adults, ages 18 to 92 years, the results indicate that this is an engaged sample group in the volunteer arena with high religious attendance, attachment to their communities, and average satisfaction with their quality of life as outcomes of their civic participation.  相似文献   

8.
Recent studies in political communication have found a generally positive role of social media in democratic engagement. However, most research on youth’s social media use in relation to their political engagement has been conducted in the context of American and European democracies. This study fills a gap in the literature by examining the effects of the uses and structural features of social media on democratic engagement in three different Asian political systems: Taiwan (young liberal democracy); Hong Kong (partial democracy); and China (one-party state). The findings showed that sharing political information and connections with public actors consistently predicted offline participation (i.e., civic and political participation) and online participation (i.e., online political expression and online activism) in the three political systems. Although social media use for news, network size, and network structure did not consistently predict political outcomes, they played significant roles in influencing different engagement in the three political systems. The comparative approach used in this study helped to demonstrate the role of social media in the democratic engagement of youth in three places with similar cultures but different political contexts.  相似文献   

9.
This paper explores the experience of 16–17 year olds participating in the Scottish independence referendum and discusses whether it can be seen as positive or negative considering civic attitudes and participation. Using data from two comprehensive and representative surveys of 14–17 year olds, it engages empirically with claims about young people's alleged political (dis-)interest and provides qualifications for commonly believed stories of young people as mere recipients of information given to them by parents and teachers.

The paper develops a positive view of young people's engagement in the referendum process and suggests that inputs from parents and schools actually have distinguishable effects on young people, who do not simply ‘follow the lead’ of others uncritically. The analyses suggest that the discussion of political issues in the classroom (rather than the simple delivery of civics-style classes per se) may act as a positive factor in the political socialisation of young people, but suggests that further research is required to examine these effects beyond the specific context of the Scottish independence referendum in particular in relation to questions about whether reducing the voting age to 16 could be expected to generally lead to positive outcomes.  相似文献   


10.
Youth civic and political participation (CPP) has been a central concern of research and public policy. This situation has been motivated by growing signs of the disaffection of younger generations, at least regarding conventional forms of participation. Recent theoretical debates stress how forms of CPP are evolving; nevertheless it is obviously important to integrate young people's views in the discussion, particularly taking into account groups at risk of exclusion, such as immigrants. This paper intends to contribute to this discussion by considering the meanings that young people attribute to their civic and political experiences, using data collected with focus groups (N = 94) that address the factors that facilitate and/or inhibit the participation of young people from immigrant (Brazilian and Angolan) and non-immigrant (Portuguese) backgrounds. Data will be analysed according to three main dimensions: (1) participants' sources of knowledge, information and influence; (2) participants' views on civic and political engagement: relevance, resources, personal experiences, trustworthiness and efficacy; and (3) participants' perceptions of excluded groups and proposals to promote inclusion. Results show that the experiences and levels of participation of young people of Brazilian and Angolan origin are influenced by their immigrant background. In addition, they indicate a strong tendency of young people to emphasise constraints over opportunities. They feel like incomplete or in-the-making citizens, and state their claim for rights and opportunities to be heard and to be civic and politically engaged.  相似文献   

11.
With the proliferation of new media technologies, online spaces for civic engagement are being used as new sites by the young people for enacting global citizenship. Some of these online civic spaces are managed by parent organizations and guide the participants towards accomplishing goals that align with the institutional policies. We use Stuart Hall’s theoretical framework to ground the two methods we used for empirical research- textual analysis of the selected online spaces and in-depth interviews with young bloggers. Our analysis shows how negotiated reading of the encoded messages on the online platforms for youth civic engagement marks a political moment of signification in which there lies a possibility of challenging the dominance of the adult centered notions of civic engagement. Shelat’s online civic culture framework [2014. “Citizens, Global Civic Engagement on Online Platforms: Women as Transcultural Citizens.” Dissertation] helped us examine how these managed platforms encode global citizenship with pre-designed participatory practices that reinforce the hegemonic definition of youth political participation. Interviews of young bloggers on two online global spaces foreground the process of negotiation with the dominant definitions and the use of decoding strategies to create scope for subjective, more local definitions, as well as practices of civic engagement and global citizenship. Though literature suggests that adult-management of online youth spaces perpetuate a gap between the adult-centric notions of participation and the youth oriented ideas of civic engagement, our study reveals that the young participants find ways of articulating their ideas and enter these spaces with plans on how to fulfill their civic goals.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Recent federal legislation bans receipt of cash and food assistance to individuals convicted of a drug felony. This study examines the different definitions and methodologies used in estimating substance abuse among welfare recipients. It then analyzes a stratified sample of predominantly low-income young mothers on the basis of welfare receipt and consequences associated with alcohol and drug use. Results indicate that young mothers who received welfare for more than two years had lower reported drug use consequences than mothers who never used welfare or relied on it for a period of less than two years. Variables measuring consequences of drug use were not found to mediate length of time on welfare.  相似文献   

13.
This study introduced the concept of celebrity involvement, which is the audiences' relationship with mediated celebrities along three sub-dimensions: affinity, parasocial relationships, and identification. Based on this concept, this study examined the underlying mechanisms through which young people's involvement with celebrities influences their political and civic engagement. A survey of 248 undergraduate students in Macau, which is a Special Administrative Region of China, showed an indirect association of celebrity involvement with political and civic engagement, which was mediated by situational involvement and self-efficacy, respectively. The implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
We argue that civic participation is one form of productive aging. We explore how age is related to different types and levels of civic participation among adults in Boston, MA. To accomplish our analysis, we employ recently released survey data from the Boston Area Study (BAS). Our results indicate that voting is the most common form of civic expression among Bostonians, followed by attending local government meetings. Volunteering for political organizations and candidates is the least common form of activity. Educational status is a strong predictor of most forms of civic-oriented activity and it is consistently related to activity for those persons 60 years old and older. Further, we evaluate a model of civic participation that shows a curvilinear relationship between age and various activities; this pattern holds after controlling for a number of other covariates. We discuss the contributions and limitations of our research and indicate additional steps that should be taken in future research to address some unresolved issues.  相似文献   

15.
In this article, I examine voting patterns in origin and receiving country national elections among immigrants in Europe. The existing scholarship on transnational political engagement offers two competing interpretations of the relationship between immigrant integration and transnational engagement, which I classify as the resocialization and complementarity perspectives. The resocialization perspective assumes that transnational political engagement gradually declines as immigrants become socialized into the new receiving society. Conversely, the complementarity perspective assumes that immigrant integration increases transnational political engagement. I test these competing perspectives with survey data collected between 2004 and 2008 for 12 different immigrant groups residing in seven European cities. The analysis examines how immigrant political and civic participation in receiving countries affect their proclivities to vote in homeland elections. I also analyse the effects of receiving and origin country contexts on immigrant voting behaviour in homeland elections. While my findings support both the resocialization and complementarity perspectives, they also highlight the ways in which a set of origin‐country contexts shape immigrant propensities to engage in transnational electoral politics. I observe a degree of complementarity among immigrants with resources who are motivated and eligible to participate in both receiving and origin‐country elections.  相似文献   

16.
Social networking sites are popular tools to engage citizens in political campaigns, social movements, and civic life. However, are the effects of social media on civic and political participation revolutionary? How do these effects differ across political contexts? Using 133 cross-sectional studies with 631 estimated coefficients, I examine the relationship between social media use and engagement in civic and political life. The effects of social media use on participation are larger for political expression and smaller for informational uses, but the magnitude of these effects depends on political context. The effects of informational uses of social media on participation are smaller in countries like the United States, with a free and independent press. If there is a social media revolution, it relates to the expression of political views on social networking sites, where the average effect size is comparable to the effects of education on participation.  相似文献   

17.
Recently there has been renewed interest in the role of religion in the public sphere in the context of a ‘post‐secular’ age characterized by the resurgence of religious identities and communities in increasingly diverse, multi‐faith societies. Young people's active political and civic engagement has also emerged as a core challenge for robust democracies. While an interesting body of current research suggests that religious commitment may cultivate participation amongst youth by acting as an incubator of civic and political engagement, such literature often positions religiosity as outside of, and consequently at odds with participation in a secular public sphere. We suggest that while religiosity may indeed act as an incubator for civic and political engagement, we propose greater attention to an emergence of alternative, entwined conceptualizations of religious citizenship evident in the practices, performances and dispositions of young Muslim and Buddhist religious practitioners in Australia, whereby processes of individuation contribute to greater fluidity within and across the domains of the religious and the civic.  相似文献   

18.
19.
Youth's low level of civic and political engagement may detrimentally affect the health of communities and the democratic system. This paper examines the role of community attachment in explaining youth's levels of civic and engagement. This examination requires an evaluation of existing measures of community attachment and their relevance for understanding youth's experiences. The paper uses a student sample, highlighting a group of youth who have a degree of variation in their experiences of community attachment. We find that subjective measures of community attachment are related to volunteering and voting, but the objective measure of community attachment, that is, years of residence, affects voting and not volunteering. Different mechanisms explain civic engagement versus political engagement. As such, different strategies are required to combat low levels of civic versus political engagement. Le manque d'engagement civique et politique de la jeunesse peut avoir un effet néfaste sur la santé des communautés et sur le système démocratique. Cet article examine le rôle de l'appartenance communautaire pour expliquer le niveau de participation civique et politique des jeunes. Cette recherche nécessite une évaluation des mesures existantes de l'appartenance à une communauté et de leur pertinence pour la compréhension des expériences des jeunes. Cet article se base sur un groupe d'étudiants pour illustrer une population de jeunes avec un niveau d'attachement communautaire variable. Nous avons remarqué que les mesures subjectives de l'attachement à la communauté sont liées au bénévolat et au vote, alors que les mesures objectives de l'attachement, comme la durée de résidence, affecte le vote et non le bénévolat. De différents processus peuvent expliquer l'engagement civique par rapport à l'engagement politique. Ainsi, des stratégies différentes sont nécessaires pour lutter contre la faiblesse des niveaux de participation civique et politique.  相似文献   

20.
This study investigates the effects of welfare reform in the United States in the 1990s on voting among low‐income women. Using the November Current Population Surveys with the added Voting and Registration Supplement for the years 1990 through 2004 and exploiting changes in welfare policy across states and over time, we estimate the causal effects of welfare reform on women's voting registration and voting participation during the period in which welfare reform unfolded. During this time period, voter turnout was decreasing in the United States. We find robust evidence that welfare reform led to smaller declines in voting (about 3 to 4 percentage points, which translates to about 10% relative to the baseline mean) for women who were exposed to welfare reform compared to several different comparison groups of similar women who were much less exposed. The robust findings suggest that welfare reform had prosocial effects on civic participation, as characterized by voting. The effects were largely confined to presidential elections, were stronger in Democratic than Republican states, were stronger in states with stronger work incentive policies, and appeared to operate through employment, education, and income. (JEL D72, H53, I38, J21)  相似文献   

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